Appendix

By the kindness of the Abbot Gasquet we are enabled to supplement the Bibliography of Acton’s writings published by the Royal Historical Society with the following additional items:—

BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

8vo. 10s. net.

HISTORICAL ESSAYS AND STUDIES

By the late LORD ACTON, D.C.L., LL.D., etc. regius professor of modern history in the university of cambridge

Edited with an Introduction by John Neville Figgis, M.A., and Reginald Vere Laurence, M.A.

CONTENTS

I. Wolsey and the Divorce of Henry VIII.

II. The Borgias and their Latest Historian.

III. Secret History of Charles II.

IV. The Civil War in America.

V. The Rise and Fall of the Mexican Empire.

VI. Cavour.

VII. The Causes of the Franco-Prussian War.

VIII. The War of 1870.

IX. George Eliot’s “Life.”

X. Mr. Buckle’s “Thesis and Method.”

XI. German Schools of History.

XII. Talleyrand’s Memoirs.

XIII. The “Life” of Lord Houghton.

XIV. A History of the Papacy during the Period of the Reformation.

XV. A Short History of Napoleon I. The First Napoleon: A Sketch, Political and Military.

XVI. Mabillon et la Société de l’Abbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Prés à la Fin du XVIIe Siècle.

XVII. A History of England, 1837–1880.

XVIII. A History of the French Revolution.

XIX. Wilhelm von Giesebrecht.

MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd., LONDON.

BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

8vo. 10s. net.

LECTURES ON MODERN HISTORY

By the late LORD ACTON, D.C.L., LL.D., etc. regius professor of modern history in the university of cambridge

Edited with an Introduction by John Neville Figgis, M.A., and Reginald Vere Laurence, M.A.

CONTENTS

Introduction.

Inaugural Lecture on the Study of History.

Lectures on Modern History

I. Beginning of the Modern State.

II. The New World.

III. The Renaissance.

IV. Luther.

V. The Counter-Reformation.

VI. Calvin and Henry VIII.

VII. Philip II., Mary Stuart, and Elizabeth.

VIII. The Huguenots and the League.

IX. Henry the Fourth and Richelieu.

X. The Thirty Years’ War.

XI. The Puritan Revolution.

XII. The Rise of the Whigs.

XIII. The English Revolution.

XIV. Lewis XIV.

XV. The War of the Spanish Succession.

XVI. The Hanoverian Settlement.

XVII. Peter the Great and the Rise of Prussia.

XVIII. Frederic the Great.

XIX. The American Revolution.

Appendix I.—Letter to Contributors to the Cambridge Modern History.

Appendix II.—Notes to Inaugural Lecture.

Index.

MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd., LONDON.

There is no foundation for the statement of Canon Meyrick in his Reminiscences, that Acton, had he lived on the Continent, would have undoubtedly become an Old Catholic. He did very largely live on the Continent. Nor did even Döllinger, of whom Dr. Meyrick also asserts it, ever become an adherent of that movement.

An address delivered to the members of the Bridgnorth Institution at the Agricultural Hall, 26th February 1877.

An address delivered to the members of the Bridgnorth Institution at the Agricultural Hall, 28th May 1877.

[Poynet, in his Treatise on Political Power.]

The Quarterly Review, January 1878.

North British Review, Oct. 1869.

Satius fore ducebam, si minus profligari possent omnes, ut ferrentur omnes, quo mordentes et comedentes invicem, consumerentur ab invicem (Hosius to Karnkowsky, Feb. 26, 1568).

The Secretary of Medina Celi to Çayas, June 24, 1572 (Correspondance de Philippe II., ii. 264).

Quant à ce qui me touche à moy en particulier, encores que j’ayme unicquement tous mes enffans, je veulx préférer, comme il est bien raysonnable, les filz aux filles; et pour le regard de ce que me mandez de celluy qui a faict mourir ma fille, c’est chose que l’on ne tient point pour certaine, et où elle le seroit, le roy monsieur mondit filz n’en pouvoit faire la vengence en l’estat que son royaulme estoit lors; mais à présent qu’il est tout uni, il aura assez de moien et de forces pour sen ressentir quant l’occasion s’en présentera (Catherine to Du Ferrier, Oct. 1, 1572; Bib. Imp. F. Fr. 15,555). The despatches of Fourquevaulx from Madrid, published by the Marquis Du Prat in the Histoire d’Elisabeth de Valois, do not confirm the rumour.

Toutes mes fantaisies sont bandées pour m’opposer à la grandeur des Espagnols, et délibère m’y conduire le plus dextrement qu’il me sera possible (Charles IX. to Noailles, May 2, 1572; Noailles, Henri de Valois, i. 8).

Il fault, et je vous prie ne faillir, quand bien il seroit du tout rompu, et que verriés qu’il n’y auroit nulle espérance, de trouver moyen d’en entrettenir toujours doucement le propos, d’ici à quelque temps; car cella ne peut que bien servir à establir mes affaires et aussy pour ma réputation (Charles IX. to La Mothe, Aug. 9, 1572; Corr. de La Mothe, vii. 311).

This is stated both by his mother and by the Cardinal of Lorraine (Michelet, La Ligue, p. 26).

In reliqua Gallia fuit et est incredibilis defectio, quae tamen usque adeo non pacavit immanes illas feras, ut etiam eos qui defecerunt (qui pene sunt innumerabiles) semel ad internecionem una cum integris familiis trucidare prorsus decreverint (Beza, Dec. 3, 1572; Ill. vir. Epp. Sel., p. 621, 1617).

Languet to the Duke of Saxony, Nov. 30, 1572 (Arcana, sec. xvi. 183).

Vidi et cum dolore intellexi lanienam illam Gallicam perfidissimam et atrocissimam plurimos per Germaniam ita offendisse, ut jam etiam de veritate nostrae Religionis et doctrinae dubitare incoeperint (Bullinger to Wittgenstein, Feb. 23, 1573; Friedländer, Beiträge zur rel. Gesch., p. 254).

De Thou, Mémoires, p. 9.

Il me dist qu’on luy avoist escript de Rome, n’avoit que trois semaines ou environ, sur le propos des noces du roy de Navarre en ces propres termes; Que à ceste heure que tous les oiseaux estoient en cage, on les pouvoit prendre tous ensemble (Vulcob to Charles IX., Sept. 26, 1572; Noailles, iii. 214).

Mémoires de Duplessis-Mornay, i. 38; Ambert, Duplessis-Mornay, p. 38.

Digges, Compleat Ambassador, pp. 276, 255.

Correr, Relazione; Tommaseo, ii. 116.

He said to Catherine: Que quando quisiesen usar de otro y averlo, con no mas personas que con cinc o seys que son el cabo de todo esto, los tomasen a su mano y les cortasen las cabeças (Alva to Philip II., June 21, 1565; Papiers de Granvelle, ix. 298).

Ci rallegriamo con la maestà sua con tutto l’ affetto dell’ animo, ch’ ella habbia presa quella risolutione così opportunamente sopra la quale noi stesso l’ ultima volta che fummo in Francia parlammo con la Regina Madre. . . . Dipoi per diversi gentilhuomini che in varie occorrenze habbiamo mandato in corte siamo instati nel suddetto ricordo (Alfonso II. to Fogliani, Sept. 13, 1572; Modena Archives).

Muchas vezes me ha accordado de aver dicho a Su Mag. esto mismo en Bayona, y de lo que mi offrecio, y veo que ha muy bien desempeñado su palabra (Alva to Zuñiga, Sept. 9, 1572; Coquerel, La St. Barthélemy, p. 12).

Kluckhohn, Zur Geschichte des angeblichen Bündnisses von Bayonne, p. 36, 1868.

Il signor duca di Alva . . . mi disse, che come in questo abboccamento negotio alcuno non havevano trattato, ne volevano trattare, altro che della religione, cosi la lor differenza era nata per questo, perchè non vedeva che la regina ci pigliasse risolutione a modo suo ne de altro, che di buone parole ben generali. . . . È stato risoluto che alla tornata in Parigi si farà una ricerca di quelli che hanno contravenuto all’ editto, e si castigaranno; nel che dice S. M. che gli Ugonotti ci sono talmente compresi, che spera con questo mezzo solo cacciare 1 Ministri di Francia. . . . Il Signor Duca di Alva si satisfa piu di questa deliberatione di me, perchè io non trovo che serva all’ estirpation dell’ heresia il castigar quelli che hanno contravenuto all’ editto (Santa Croce to Borromeo, Bayonne, July 1, 1565, MS.).

Desjardins, Négociations avec la Toscane, iii. 756, 765, 802.

Io non ho fatto intendere cosa alcuna a nessuno principe; ho ben parlato al nunzio solo (Desp. Aug. 31; Desjardins, iii. 828).

Alberi, Relazioni Venete, xii. 250.

Alberi, xii. 328.

Son principal but et dessein estoit de sentir quelle espérance ilz pourroient avoir de parvenir à la paix avec le G. S. dont il s’est ouvert et a demandé ce qu’il en pouvoit espérer et attendre (Charles IX. to Du Ferrier, Sept. 28, 1572; Charrière, Négociations dans le Levant, iii. 310).

Ranke, Französische Geschichte, v. 76.

Digges, p. 258; Cosmi, Memorie di Morosini, p. 26.

Alberi, xii. 294.

Mittit eo Antonium Mariam Salviatum, reginae affinem eique pergratum, qui eam in officio contineat (Cardinal of Vercelli, Comment. de Rebus Gregorii XIII.; Ranke, Päpste, App. 85).

Desp. Aug. 30, 1570.

Oct. 14, 1570.

Sept. 24, 1570.

Nov. 28, 1570.

Quando scrissi ai giorni passati alla S. V. Illma in cifra, che l’ ammiraglio s’ avanzava troppo et che gli darebbero su l’ unge, gia mi ero accorto, che non lo volevano più tollerare, et molto più mi confermai nell’ opinione, quando con caratteri ordinarii glie scrivevo che speravo di dover haver occasione di dar qualche buona nova a Sua Beatitudine, benchè mai havrei creduto la x. parte di quello, che al presente veggo con gli occhi (Desp. Aug. 24; Theiner, Annales, i. 329).

Che molti siano stati consapevoli del fatto è necessario, potendogli dizer che a 21 la mattina, essendo col Cardinal di Borbone et M. de Montpensier, viddi che ragionavano si domesticamente di quello che doveva seguire, che in me medesimo restando confuso, conobbi che la prattica andava gagliarda, e piutosto disperai di buon fine che altrimente (same Desp.; Mackintosh, History of England, ii. 355).

Attribuisce a se, et al nipote, et a casa sua, la morte del’ ammiraglio, gloriandosene assai (Desp. Oct. 1; Theiner, p. 331). The Emperor told the French ambassador “que, depuis les choses avenues, on lui avoit mandé de Rome que Mr. le Cardinal de Lorraine avoit dit que tout le fait avoit esté délibéré avant qu’il partist de France” (Vulcob to Charles IX., Nov. 8; Groen van Prinsterer, Archives de Nassau, iv. App. 22).

Marlot, Histoire de Reims, iv. 426. This language excited the surprise of Dale, Walsingham’s successor (Mackintosh, iii. 226).

Archives Curieuses, viii. 305.

Egli solo tra tutti gli altri è solito particolarmente di sostenere le nostre fatiche. . . . Essendo partecipe di tutti i nostri consigli, et consapevole de segreti dell’ intimo animo nostro (Pius V. to Philip II., June 20, 1571; Zucchi, Idea del Segretario, i. 544).

Serranus, Commentarii, iv. 14; Davila, ii. 104.

Digges, p. 193.

Finis hujus legationis erat non tam suadere Regi ut foedus cum aliis Christianis principibus iniret (id nempe notum erat impossibile illi regno esse); sed ut rex ille praetermissus non videretur, et revera ut sciretur quo tenderent Gallorum cogitationes. Non longe nempe a Rocella naves quasdam praegrandes instruere et armare coeperat Philippus Strozza praetexens velle ad Indias a Gallis inventas navigare (Relatio gestorum in Legatione Card. Alexandrini MS.).

Con alcuni particulari che io porto, de’ quali ragguaglierò N. Signore a bocca, posso dire di non partirmi affatto mal espedito (Ranke, Zeitschrift, iii. 598). Le temps et les effectz luy témoigneront encores d’advantage (Mémoire baillé au légat Alexandrin, Feb. 1572; Bib. Imp. F. Dupuy, 523).

De Sacro Foedere, Graevius Thesaurus, i. 1038.

Catena, Vita di Pio V., p. 197; Gabutius, Vita Pii V., p. 150, and the Dedication.

D’Ossat to Villeroy, Sept. 22, 1599; Lettres, iii. 503. An account of the Legate’s journey was found by Mendham among Lord Guildford’s manuscripts, and is described in the Supplement to his life of Pius V., p. 13. It is written by the Master of Ceremonies, and possesses no interest. The Relatio already quoted, which corresponds to the description given by Clement VIII. of his own work, is among the manuscripts of the Marquis Capponi, No. 164.

Vuol andar con ogni quiete et dissimulatione, fin che il Rè suo figliolo sia in età (Santa Croce, Desp. June 27, 1563; Lettres du Card. Santa Croce, p. 243).

La Chastre to Charles IX., Jan. 21, 1570; Raynal, Histoire du Berry, iv. 105; Lavallée, Histoire des Français, ii. 478. Both Raynal and Lavallée had access to the original.

Il Papa credeva che la pace fatta, e l’aver consentito il Rè che l’Ammiraglio venisse in corte, fusse con disegno di ammazzarlo; ma accortosi come passa il fatto, non ha creduto che nel Rè Nostro sia quella brava resoluzione (Letter of Nov. 28, 1571; Desjardins, iii. 732). Pour le regard de M. l’Admiral, je n’ay failly de luy faire entendre ce que je devois, suyvant ce qu’il a pleu à V. M. me commander, dont il est demeuré fort satisfaict (Ferralz to Charles IX., Dec. 25, 1571; Bib. Imp. F. Fr. 16,039: Walsingham to Herbert, Oct. 10, 1571; to Smith, Nov. 26, 1572; Digges, p. 290).

Marcel to Charles IX., December 20, 1571; Cabinet Historique, ii. 253,

Le Roy estoit d’intelligence, ayant permis à ceux de la Religion de l’assister, et, cas advenant que leurs entreprises succédassent, qu’il les favoriserait ouvertement . . . Genlis, menant un secours dans Mons, fut défait par le duc d’Alve, qui avoit comme investi la ville. La journée de Saint-Barthélemi se résolut (Bouillon, Mémoires, p. 9).

Si potria distruggere il resto, maxime che l’ ammiraglio si trova in Parigi, populo Catholico et devoto del suo Rè, dove potria se volesse facilmente levarselo dinnanzi per sempre (Castagna, Desp. Aug. 5, 1572; Theiner, i. 327).

Mémoires de Claude Haton, 687.

En quelque sorte que ce soit ledict Seigneur est résollu faire vivre ses subjectz en sa religion, et ne permettre jamais ny tollérer, quelque chose qui puisse advenir, qu’il n’y ait aultre forme ny exercice de religion en son royaulme que de la catholique (Instruction for the Governors of Normandy, Nov. 3, 1572; La Mothe, vii. 390).

Charles IX. to Mondoucet, Aug. 26, 1572; Compte Rendu de la Commission Royale d Histoire, 2e Série, iv. 327.

Li Ugonotti si ridussero alla porta del Louvre, per aspettare che Mons. di Guisa e Mons. d’Aumale uscissero per ammazzarli (Borso Trotti, Desp. Aug. 23; Modena Archives).

L’on a commencé à descouvrir la conspiration que ceux de la religion prétendue réformée avoient faicte contre moy mesmes, ma mère et mes frères (Charles IX. to La Mothe, Aug. 25; La Mothe, vii. 325).

Desp. Sept. 19, 1572.

Il ne fault pas attendre d’en avoir d’autre commandement du Roy ne de Monseigneur, car ils ne vous en feront point (Puygaillard to Montsoreau, Aug. 26, 1572; Mourin, La Réforme en Anjou, p. 106).

Vous croirez le présent porteur de ce que je luy ay donné charge de vous dire (Charles IX. to Mandelot, Aug. 24, 1572; Corr. de Charles IX. avec Mandelot, p 42).

Je n’en ay aucune coulpe, n’ayant sceu quelle estoit la volunté que par umbre, encores bien tard et à demy (Mandelot to Charles IX., Sept. 17, p. 73).

Floquet, Histoire du Parlement de Normandie, iii. 121.

Anjou to Montsoreau, Aug. 26; Mourin, p. 107; Falloux, Vie de Pie V., i. 358; Port, Archives de la Mairie d’Angers, pp. 41, 42.

Schomberg to Brulart, Oct. 10, 1572; Capefigue, La Réforme, iii. 264.

Instructions for Schomberg, Feb. 15, 1573; Noailles, iii. 305.

Monluc to Brulart, Nov. 20, 1572; Jan. 20, 1573: to Charles IX., Jan. 22, 1573; Noailles, iii. 218, 223, 220.

Charles IX. to St. Goard, Jan. 20, 1573; Groen, iv. App. 29.

Letter from Paris in Strype’s Life of Parker, iii. 110; “Tocsain contre les Massacreurs,” Archives Curieuses, vii. 7.

Afin que ce que vous avez dressé des choses passées à la Saint-Barthélemy ne puisse être publié parmi le peuple, et mêmement entre les étrangers, comme il y en a plusieurs qui se mêlent d’écrire et qui pourraient prendre occasion d’y répondre, je vous prie qu’il n’en soit rien imprimé ni en français ni en Latin, mais si vous en avez retenu quelque chose, le garder vers vous (Charles IX. to the President de Cély, March 24, 1573; Revue Rétrospective, 2 Série, iii. 195).

Botero, Della Ragion di Stato, 92. A contemporary says that the Protestants were cut to pieces out of economy, “pour afin d’éviter le coust des exécutions qu’il eust convenu payer pour les faire pendre”; and that this was done “par permission divine” (Relation des troubles de Rouen par un témoin oculaire, ed. Pottier, 36, 46).

Del resto poco importerebbe a Roma (Card. Montalto to Card. Morosini; Tempesti, Vita di Sisto V., ii. 116).

Quand ce seroit contre touts les Catholiques, que nous ne nous en empescherions, ny altérerions aucunement l’amitié d’entre elle et nous (Catherine to La Mothe, Sept. 13, 1572; La Mothe, vii. 349).

Alva’s Report; Bulletins de l’Académie de Bruxelles, ix. 564.

Jean Diodati, door Schotel, 88.

Œuvres de Brantôme, ed. Lalanne, iv. 38.

Otros que salvò el Duque de Nevers con harto vituperio suyo (Cabrera de Cordova, Felipe Segundo, p. 722).

Il Rè Christianissimo in tutti questi accidenti, in luogo di giudicio e di valore ha mostrato animo christiano, con tutto habbia salvato alcuno. Ma li altri principi che fanno gran professione di Cattolici et di meritar favori e gratie del papa hanno poi con estrema diligenza cercato a salvare quelli più di Ugonotti che hanno potuto, e se non gli nomino particolarmente, non si maravigli, per che indiferentemente tutti hanno fatto a un modo (Salviati, Desp. Sept. 2, 1572).

Estque dictu mirum, quantopere Regem exhilaravit nova Gallica (Hopperus to Viglius, Madrid, Sept. 7, 1572; Hopperi Epp. 360).

Ha avuto, con questa occasione, dal Rè di Spagna, sei mila scudi a conto della dote di sua moglie e a richiesta di casa di Guise (Petrucci, Desp. Sept. 16, 1572; Desjardins, iii. 838). On the 27th of December 1574, the Cardinal of Guise asks Philip for more money for the same man (Bouillé, Histoire des Ducs de Guise, ii. 505).

Siendo cosa clara que, de hoy mas, ni los protestantes de Alemania, ni la reyna de Inglaterra se fiaran dél (Philip to Alva, Sept. 18, 1572; Bulletins de Bruxelles, xvi. 255).

St. Goard to Charles IX., Sept. 12, 1572; Groen, iv. App. 12; Raumer, Briefe aus Paris, i. 191.

Archives de l’Empire, K. 1530, B. 34, 299.

Zuñiga to Alva, Aug. 31, 1572: No fue caso pensado sino repentino (Archives de l’Empire, K. 1530, B. 34, 66).

St. Goard to Catherine, Jan. 6, 1573; Groen, iv. App. 28.

Comment. de B. de Mendoça, i. 344.

Alva to Philip, Oct. 13, 1572; Corr. de Philippe II., ii. 287. On the 23rd of August Zuñiga wrote to Philip that he hoped that Coligny would recover from his wound, because, if he should die, Charles would be able to obtain obedience from all men (Archives de l’Empire, K. 1530, B. 34, 65).

Bulletins de la Société pour l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français, viii. 292.

Eidgenössische Abschiede, iv. 2, 501, 503, 506, 510.

Cosmo to Camaiani, Oct. 6, 1570 (Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia, iii. 15); Cosmo to Charles IX., Sept. 4, 1572 (Gachard, Rapport sur les Archives de Lille, 199).

Grappin, Mémoire Historique sur le Card. de Granvelle, 73.

Bardi, Età del Mondo, 1581, iv. 2011; Campana, Historie del Mondo, 1599, i. 145; B. D. da Fano, Aggiunte all’ Historie di Mambrino Roseo, 1583, v. 252; Pellini, Storia di Perugia, vol. iii. MS.

Si è degnato di prestare alli suoi divoti il suo taglientissimo coltello in così salutifero sacrificio (Letter of Aug. 26; Alberi, Vita di Caterina de’ Medici, 401).

Labitte, Démocratie chez les Prédicateurs de la Ligue, 10.

Natalis Comes, Historiae sui temporis, 512.

Capefigue, iii. 150.

Pourront-ils arguer de trahison le feu roy, qu’ils blasphèment luy donnant le nom de tyran, veu qu’il n’a rien entrepris et exécuté que ce qu’il pouvoit faire par l’expresse parole de Dieu . . . Dieu commande qu’on ne pardonne en façon que ce soit aux inventeurs ou sectateurs de nouvelles opinions ou hérésies. . . . Ce que vous estimez cruauté estre plutôt vraye magnanimité et doulceur (Sorbin, Le Vray resveille-matin des Calvinistes, 1576, pp. 72, 74, 78).

Il commanda à chacun de se retirer au cabinet et à moy de m’asseoir au chevet de son lict, tant pour ouyr sa confession, et luy donner ministérialement absolution de ses péchez, que aussi pour le consoler durant et après la messe (Sorbin, Vie de Charles IX.; Archives Curieuses, viii. 287). Est très certain que le plus grand regret qu’il avoit à l’heure de sa mort estoit de ce qu’il voyoit l’idole Calvinesque n’estre encores du tout chassée (Vray resveille-matin, 88).

The charge against the clergy of Bordeaux is brought by D’Aubigné (Histoire Universelle, ii. 27) and by De Thou. De Thou was very hostile to the Jesuits, and his language is not positive. D’Aubigné was a furious bigot. The truth of the charge would not be proved, without the letters of the President L’Agebaston and of the Lieutenant Montpezat: “Quelques prescheurs se sont par leurs sermons (ainsi que dernièrement j’ai escript plus amplement à votre majesté) estudié de tout leur pouvoir de troubler ciel et terre, et conciter le peuple à sédition, et en ce faisant à passer par le fil de l’espée tous ceulx de la prétendue religion réformée. . . . Après avoir des le premier et deuxième de ceste mois fait courrir un bruit sourd que vous, Sire, aviez envoyé nom par nom un rolle signé de votre propre main au Sieur de Montferaud, pour par voie de fait et sans aultre forme de justice, mettre à mort quarante des principaulx de cette ville . . .” (L’Agebaston to Charles IX., Oct. 7, 1572; Mackintosh, iii. 352). “J’ai trouvé que messieurs de la cour de parlement avoyent arresté que Monsieur Emond, prescheur, seroit appellé en ladicte court pour luy faire des remonstrances sur quelque langaige qu’il tenoit en ses sermons, tendant à sédition, à ce qu’ils disoyent. Ce que j’ay bien voullu empescher, craignant que s’il y eust esté appellé cella eust animé plusieurs des habitants et estre cause de quelque émotion, ce que j’eusse voluntiers souffert quant j’eusse pansé qu’il n’y en eust qu’une vingtaine de despéchés” (Montpezat to Charles IX., Sept. 30, 1572; Archives de la Gironde, viii. 337).

Annal. Baronii Contin. ii. 734; Bossuet says: “La dispense vint telle qu’on la pouvoit désirer” (Histoire de France, p. 820).

Ormegregny, Réflexions sur la Politique de France, p. 121.

De Thou, iv. 537.

Charrière, iii. 154.

Carmina Ill. Poetarum Italorum, iii. 212, 216.

Tiepolo, Desp. Aug. 6, 1575; Mutinelli, Storia Arcana, i. 111.

Parendomi, che sia cosa, la quale possa apportar piacere, e utile al mondo, si per la qualità del soggetto istesso, come anco per l’ eleganza, e bello ordine con che viene cosi leggiadramente descritto questo nobile, e glorioso fatto . . . a fine che una cosi egregia attione non resti defraudata dell’ honor, che merita (The editor, Gianfrancesco Ferrari, to the reader).

Huc accedit, Oratorem Sermi Regis Galliae, et impulsu inimicorum saepedicti Domini Cardinalis, et quia summopere illi displicuit, quod superioribus mensibus Illma Sua Dominatio operam dedisset, hoc sibi mandari, ut omnia Regis negotia secum communicaret, nullam praetermisisse occasionem ubi ei potuit adversari (Cardinal Delfino to the Emperor, Rome, Nov. 29, 1572; Vienna Archives).

Fà ogni favor et gratia gli addimanda il Cardinale di Lorena, il consiglio del quale usa in tutte le più importanti negotiationi l’ occorre di haver a trattar (Cusano to the Emperor, Rome, Sept. 27, 1572).—Conscia igitur Sua Dominatio Illma quorundam arcanorum Regni Galliae, creato Pontifice sibi in Concilio Tridentino cognito et amico, statuit huc se recipere, ut privatis suis rebus consuleret, et quia tunc foederati contra Thurcam, propter suspicionem Regi Catholico injectam de Orangio, et Gallis, non admodum videbantur concordes, et non multo post advenit nuncius mortis Domini de Colligni, et illius asseclarum; Pontifex justa de causa existimavit dictum Illmum Cardinalem favore et gratia sua merito esse complectendum. Evenit postmodum, ut ad Serenissimam Reginam Galliarum deferretur, bonum hunc Dominum jactasse se, quod particeps fuerit consiliorum contra dictum Colligni; id quod illa Serenissima Domina iniquo animo tulit, quae neminem gloriae socium vult habere; sibi enim totam vendicat, quod sola talis facinoris auctor, et Dux extiterit. Idcirco commorationem ipsius Lotharingiae in hac aula improbare, ac reprehendere aggressa est. Haec cum ille Illustrissimus Cardinalis perceperit, oblata sibi occasione utens, exoravit a Sua Sanctitate gratuitam expeditionem quatuor millia scutorum reditus pro suo Nepote, et 20 millia pro filio praeter sollicitationem, quam prae se fert, ut dictus Nepos in Cardinalium numerum cooptetur. . . . Cum itaque his de causis authoritas hujus Domini in Gallia imminuta videatur, ipseque praevideat, quanto in Gallia minoris aestimabitur, tanto minori etiam loco hic se habitum iri, statuit optimo judicio, ac pro eo quod suae existimacioni magis conducit, in Galliam reverti (Delfino, ut supra, both in the Vienna Archives).

Intiera Relatione della Morte dell’ Ammiraglio.

Ragguaglio degli ordini et modi tenuti dalla Majesta Christianissima nella distruttione della setta degli Ugonotti Con la morte dell’ Ammiraglio, etc.

Bib. Imp. F. Fr. 16,139.

Maffei, Annali di Gregorio XIII., i. 34.

La nouvelle qui arriva le deuxième jour du présent par ung courrier qui estoit depesché secrétement de Lyon par ung nommé Danes, secrétaire de M. de Mandelot . . . à ung commandeur de Sainct Anthoine, nommé Mr. de Gou, il luy manda qu’il allast advertir le Pape, pour en avoir quelque présant ou bienfaict, de la mort de tous les chefs de ceulx de la religion prétendue refformée, et de tous les Huguenotz de France, et que V. M. avoit mandé et commandé à tous les gouverneurs de se saisir de tous iceulx huguenotz en leurs gouvernemens; ceste nouvelle, Sire, apporta si grand contentement a S. S., que sans ce que je luy remonstray lors me trouvant sur le lieu, en presence de Monseigneur le C1 de Lorraine, qu’elle devoit attendre ce que V. M. m’en manderoit et ce que son nonce luy en escriroit, elle en vouloit incontinent faire des feux de joye. . . . Et pour ce que je ne voulois faire ledict feu de joye la première nuict que ledit courrier envoyé par ledict Danes feust arrivé, ny en recevoir les congratulations que l’on m’en envoyoit faire, que premièrement je n’eusse eu nouvelles de V. M. pour sçavoir et sa voulanté et comme je m’avoys a conduire, aucuns commençoient desjà de m’en regarder de maulvais œills (Ferralz to Charles IX., Rome, Sept. 11, 1572; Bib. Imp. F. Fr. 16,040). Al corriero che porto tal nuova Nostro Signore diede 100 Scudi oltre li 200 che hebbe dall’ Illustrissimo Lorena, che con grandissima allegrezza se n’ando subito a dar tal nuova per allegrarsene con Sua Santita (Letter from Rome to the Emperor, Sept. 6, 1572; Vienna Archives).

Charles IX. to Ferralz, Aug. 24, 1572; Mackintosh, iii. 348.

Elle fust merveilheusement ayse d’entendre le discours que mondit neueu de Beauville luy en feist. Lequel, après luy avoir conté le susdit affayre, supplia sadicte Saincteté, suyvant la charge expresse qu’il avoit de V. M. de vouloir concéder, pour le fruict de ceste allegresse, la dispense du mariage du roy et royne de Navarre, datée de quelques jours avant que les nopces en feussent faictes, ensemble l’absolution pour Messeigneurs les Cardinaux de Bourbon et de Ramboilhet, et pour tous les aultres evesques et prélatz qui y avoient assisté. . . . Il nous feit pour fin response qu’il y adviseroit (Ferralz, ut supra).

Pensasi che per tutte le citta di Francia debba seguire il simile, subitoche arrivi la nuova dell’ esecutione di Parigi. . . . A N. S. mi faccia gratia di basciar i piedi in nome mio, col quale mi rallegro con le viscere del cuore che sia piaciuto alla Dio. Mtà. d’ incaminar nel principio del suo pontificato si felicemente e honoratamente le cose di questo regno, havendo talmente havuto in protettione il Rè e Regina Madre che hanno saputo e potuto sbarrare queste pestifere radici con tanta prudenza, in tempo tanto opportuno, che tutti lor ribelli erano sotto chiave in gabbia (Salviati, Desp. Aug. 24; Theiner, i. 329; Mackintosh, iii. 355).

Sexta Septembris, mane, in Senatu Pontificis et Cardinalium lectae sunt literae a legato Pontificio e Gallia scriptae, admiralium et Huguenotos, destinata Regis voluntate atque consensu, trucidatos esse. Ea re in eodem Senatu decretum esse, ut inde recta Pontifex cum Cardinalibus in aedem D. Marci concederet, Deoque Opt. Max. pro tanto beneficio Sedi Romanae orbique Christiano collato gratias solemni more ageret (Scriptum Roma missum in Capilupi, 1574, p. 84). Quia Die 2a praedicti mensis Septembris Smus D. N. certior factus fuerat Colignium Franciae Ammiralium a populo Parisien. occisum fuisse et cum eo multos ex Ducibus et primoribus Ugonotarum haereticorum eius sequacibus Rege ipso Franciae approbante, ex quo spes erat tranquillitatem in dicto Regno redituram expulsis haereticis, idcirco Stas Sua expleto concistorio descendit ad ecclesiam Sancti Marci, praecedente cruce et sequentibus Cardinalibus et genuflexus ante altare maius, ubi positum fuerat sanctissimum Sacramentum, oravit gratias Deo agens, et inchoavit cantando hymnum Te Deum (Fr. Mucantii Diaria, B. M. Add. MSS. 26,811).

Après quelques autres discours qu’il me feist sur le contentement que luy et le collége des Cardinaux avoient receu de ladicte execution faicte et des nouvelles qui journellement arrivoient en ceste court de semblables exécutions que l’on a faicte et font encore en plusieurs villes de vostre royaume, qui, à dire la vérité, sont les nouvelles les plus agréables que je pense qu’on eust sceu apporter en ceste ville, sadicte Saincteté pour fin me commanda de vous escrire que cest évènement luy a esté cent fois plus agréable que cinquante victoires semblables à celle que ceulx de la ligue obtindrent l’année passée contre le Turcq, ne voulant oublier vous dire, Sire, les commandemens estroictz qu’il nous feist à tous, mesmement aux françois d’en faire feu de joye, et qui ne l’eust faict eust mal senty de la foy (Ferralz, ut supra).

Tutta Roma stà in allegria di tal fatto et frà i più grandi si dice, che ’l Rè di Francia ha insegnato alli Principi christiani ch’ hanno de simili vassalli nè stati loro a liberarsene, et dicono che vostra Maestà Cesara dovrebbe castigare il conte Palatino tanto nemico della Serenissima casa d’ Austria, et della Religione cattolica, come l’ anni passati fece contra il Duca di Sassonia tiene tuttavia prigione, che a un tempo vendicarebbe le tante ingiurie ha fatto detto Palatino alla Chiesa di Dio, et poveri Christiani, et alla Maestà Vostra et sua Casa Serenissima sprezzando li suoi editti et commandamenti, et privarlo dell’ elettione dell’Imperio et darlo al Duca di Baviera (Cusano to the Emperor, Rome, Sept. 6, 1572; Vienna Archives).

The Bull, as published in Paris, is printed by Strype (Life of Parker, iii. 197). La prima occasione che a ciò lo mosse fù per lo stratagemma fatto da Carlo Nono Christianissimo Rè di Francia contra Coligno Ammiraglio, capo d’ Ugonotti, et suoi seguaci, tagliati a pezzi in Parigi (Ciappi, Vita di Gregorio XIII., 1596, p. 63).

Vasari to Borghini, Oct. 5, 1572; March 5, 1573; to Francesco Medici, Nov. 17, 1572; Gaye, Carteggio d’ Artisti, iii. 328, 366, 341.

Indubitatamente non si osservarà interamente, havendomi in questo modo, punto che torno dall’ audienza promesso il Rè, imponendomi di darne conto in suo nome a Nostro Signore, di volere in breve tempo liberare il Regno dalli Ugonotti. . . . Mi ha parlato della dispensa, escusandosi non haver fatto il Parentado per ultro, che per liberarsi da suoi inimici (Salviati, Desp. Sept. 3, Sept. 2, Oct. 11, 1572).

Si vede che l’ editto non essendo osservato ne da popoli, ne dal principe, non è per pigliar piede (Salviati, Desp. Sept. 4). Qual Regina in progresso di tempo intende pur non solo di revocare tal editto, ma per mezzo della giustitia di restituir la fede cattolica nell’ antica osservanza, parendogli che nessuno ne debba dubitare adesso, che hanno fatto morire l’ ammiraglio con tanti altri huomini di valore, conforme ai raggionamenti altre volte havuti con esso meco essendo a Bles, et trattando del parentado di Navarra, et dell’ altre cose che correvano in quei tempi, il che essendo vero, ne posso rendere testimonianza, e a Nostro Signore e a tutto il mondo (Aug. 27; Theiner, i. 329, 330).

Desp. Sept. 2, 1572.

The reply of Boccapaduli is printed in French, with the translation of the oration of Muretus, Paris, 1573.

Troverà le cose cosi ben disposte, che durarà poca fattica in ottener quel tanto si desidera per Sua Beatitudine, anzi haverà più presto da ringratiar quella Maestà Christianissima di cosi buona et sant’ opera, ha fatto far, che da durare molta fatica in persuaderli l’ unione con la Santa Chiesa Romana (Cusano to the Emperor, Rome, Sept. 6). Sereno (Comment. della guerra di Cipro, p. 329) understands the mission in the same light.

Omnes mulas ascendentes cappis et galeris pontificalibus induti associarunt Rmum D. Cardinalem Ursinum Legatum usque ad portam Flaminiam et extra eam ubi factis multis reverentiis eum ibi reliquerunt, juxta ritum antiquum in ceremoniali libro descriptum qui longo tempore intermissus fuerat, ita Pontifice iubente in Concistorio hodierno (Mucantii Diaria). Ista associatio fuit determinata in Concistorio vocatis X. Cardinalibus et ex improviso exequuti fuimus (C. Firmani Diaria, B. M. Add. MSS. 8448).

Mette in consideratione alla Santità Sua che havendo deputato un Legato apostolico sù la morte dell’ ammiraglio, et altri capi Ugonotti, ha fatti ammazzare a Parigi, saria per metterla in molto sospetto et diffidenza delli Principi Protestanti, et della Regina d’ Inghilterra, ch’ ella fosse d’ accordo con la sede Apostolica, et Principi Cattolici per farli guerra, i quali cerca d’ acquettar con accertarli tutti, che non ha fatto ammazzar l’ ammiraglio et suoi seguaci per conto della Religione (Cusano to the Emperor, Sept. 27).

Salviati, Desp. Sept. 22, 1572.

Charles IX. to S. Goard, Oct. 5, 1572; Charrière, iii. 330. Ne poteva esser bastante segno l’ haver egli doppo la morte dell’ Ammiraglio fatto un editto, che in tutti i luoghi del suo regno fossero posti a fil di spada quanti heretici vi si trovassero, onde in pochi giorni n’ erano stati ammazzati settanta milla e d’ avantaggio (Cicarelli, Vita di Gregori XIII.; Platina, Vite de’ Pontefici, 1715, 592).

Il tengono quasiche in filo et il necessitano a far cose contra la sua natura e la sua volontà perche S. Sta è sempre stato di natura piacevole e dolce (Relatione di Gregorio XIII.; Ranke, Päpste, App. 80). Faict Cardinal par le pape Pie IV., le 12e de Mars 1559, lequel en le créant, dit qu’il n’avoit créé un cardinal ains un pape (Ferralz to Charles IX., May 14, 1572).

Smus Dominus Noster dixit nullam concordiam vel pacem debere nec posse esse inter nos et hereticos, et cum eis nullum foedus ineundum et habendum . . . verissimum est deteriores esse haereticos gentilibus, eo quod sunt adeo perversi et obstinati, ut propemodum infideles sint (Acta Concistorialia, June 18, 1571; Bib. Imp. F. Lat. 12,561).

Ogni giorno faceva impiccare e squartare ora uno, ora un altro (Cantù, ii. 410).

Legazioni di Serristori, 436, 443.

Elle desire infiniment que vostre Majesté face quelque ressentement plus qu’elle n’a faict jusques à ceste heure contre ceux qui lui font la guerre, comme de raser quelques-unes de leurs principales maisons pour une perpétuelle mémoyre (Rambouillet to Charles IX., Rome, Jan. 17, 1569; Bib. Imp. F. Fr. 17,989).

Pius V. to Catherine, April 13, 1569.

Pius V. to Charles IX., March 28, 1569.

Sa Saincteté m’a dict que j’escrive à vostre majesté que icelle se souvienne qu’elle combat pour la querelle de Dieu, et que ceste à elle de faire ses vengeances (Rambouillet to Charles IX., Rome, March 14, 1569; Bib. Imp. F. Fr. 16,039). Nihil est enim ea pietate misericordiaque crudelius, quae in impios et ultima supplicia meritos confertur (Pius V. to Charles IX., Oct. 20, 1569).

Correspondance de Philippe II., ii. 185.

Inspirato più d’ un anno fa di esporre la vita al martirio col procurare la liberatione della religione, et delle patria per mezzo della morte del tiranno, et assicurato da Theologi che il fatto saria stato meritorio, non ne haveva con tutto ciò mai potuto ottenere da superiori suoi la licenza o dispensa. . . . Io quantunque mi sia parso di trovarlo pieno di tale humiltà, prudenza, spirito et core che arguiscono che questa sia inspiratione veramente piuttosto che temerità o legerezza, non cognoscendo tuttavia di potergliela concedere l’ ho persuaso a tornarsene nel suo covento raccommandarsi a Dio et attendere all’ obbedienza delli suoi superiori finchè io attendessi dallo assenso o ripulsa del Papa che haverei interpellato per la sua santa beneditione, se questo spirito sia veramente da Dio donde si potrà conjetturare che sia venendo approvato da Sua Stà, e perciò sarà più sicuro da essere eseguito. . . . Resta hora che V. S. Illma mi favorisca di communicare a S. B. il caso, et scrivermene come la supplico quanto prima per duplicate et triplicate lettere la sua santa determinatione assicurandosi che per quanto sarà in me il negotio sarà trattato con la debita circumspetione (Sega, Desp. Paris, Jan. 23, 1591; deciphered in Rome, March 26).

Ferralz to Charles IX., Nov. 18, Dec. 23, 1572.

De Castro, De Justa Haeret. Punitione, 1547, p. 119. Iure Divino obligantur eos extirpare, si absque maiori incommodo possint (Lancelottus, Haereticum quare per Catholicum quia, 1615, p. 579). Ubi quid indulgendum sit, ratio semper exacta habeatur, an Religioni Ecclesiae, et Reipublicae quid vice mutua accedat quod majoris sit momenti, et plus prodesse possit (Pamelius, De Relig. diversis non admittendis, 1589, p. 159). Contagium istud sic grassatum est, ut corrupta massa non ferat antiquissimas leges, severitasque tantisper remittenda sit (Possevinus, Animadv. in Thuanum; Zachariae, Iter Litterarium, p. 321).

Principi saeculari nulla ratione permissum est, haereticis licentiam tribuere haereses suas docendi, atque adeo contractus ille iniustus. . . . Si quid Princeps saecularis attentet in praeiudicium Ecclesiasticae potestatis, aut contra eam aliquid statuat et paciscatur, pactum illud nullum futurum (R. Sweertii, De Fide Haereticis servanda, 1611, p. 36).

Ad poenam quoque pertinet et odium haereticorum quod fides illis data servanda non sit (Simancha, Inst. Cath. pp. 46, 52).

Si nolint converti, expedit eos citius tollere e medio, ne gravius postea damnentur, unde non militat contra mansuetudinem christianam, occidere Haereticos, quin potius est opus maximae misericordiae (Lancelottus, p. 579).

De Rozoy, Annales de Toulouse, iii. 65.

Alva to Philip, June 5, 1565; Pap. de Granvelle, ix. 288; Comment. de Monluc, iii. 425.

Charles IX. to Mondoucet, Aug. 31, 1572; Compte Rendu, iv. 349.

Bulletins de Bruxelles, xvi. 256.

Granvelle to Morillon, Sept. 11, 1572; Michelet, p. 475.

Floquet, iii. 137.

Walsingham to Smith, Nov. 1, 1572; Digges, p. 279. Ita enim statutum ab illis fuit die 27 Octobris (Beza, Dec. 3, 1572; Ill. vir. Epp. Sel. 621). La Mothe, v. 164; Faustino Tasso, Historie de nostri tempi, 1583, p. 343.

Discorso di Monsignor Terracina à Gregorio XIII.; Thesauri Politici Contin. 1618, pp. 73-76.

Infin che ne viverà grande, o picciolo di loro, mai non le mancheranno inside (Lettere del Mutio, 1590, p. 232).

Coupez, tronquez, cisaillez, ne pardonnez à parens ny amis, princes et subiets, ny à quelque personne de quelque condition qu’ils soient (D’Orléans, Premier advertissement des Catholiques Anglois aux François Catholiques, 1590, p. 13). The notion that Charles had displayed an extreme benignity recurs in many books: “Nostre Prince a surpassé tout mesure de clémence” (Le Frère de Laval Histoire des Troubles, 1576, p. 527).

Serranus, Comment. iv. 51.

Bouges, Histoire de Carcassonne, p. 343.

Sommaire de la Félonie commise à Lyon. A contemporary tract reprinted by Gonon, 1848, p. 221.

On this point Smith may be trusted rather than Parker (Correspondence, p. 399).

Bulletins de Bruxelles, xvi. 249.

Qui è venuto quello che dette l’ archibusata all’ ammiraglio di Francia, et è stato condotto dal Cardinal di Lorena et dall’ Ambasciator di Francia, al papa. A molti non è piaciuto che costui sia venuto in Roma (Prospero Count Arco to the Emperor, Rome, Nov. 15, 1572; Vienna Archives).

Zuñiga to Philip, March 4, 1573; Arch. de l’Empire, K. 1531, B. 35, 70. Zuñiga heard it from Lorraine.

Et est toute la dispute encores sur les derniers évènemens de la France, contre lesquels l’Electeur est beaucoup plus aigre qu’il n’estoyt à mon aultre voyage, depuys qu’il a esté en l’escole à Vienne (Schomberg to Brulart, May 12, 1573; Groen, iv. App. 76).

Sattler, Geschichte von Würtemberg, v. 23.

Audio quosdam etiam nostralium theologorum cruentam istam nuptiarum feralium celebrationem pertinaciae Gallorum in semel recepta de sacramentalibus mysteriis sententia acceptam referre et praeter illos pati neminem somniare (Steinberger to Crato, Nov. 23, 1572; Gillet, Crato von Crafftheim, ii. 519).

Heppe, Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus, iv. 37, 47, 49.

Hachfeld, Martin Chemnitz, p. 137.

Sunt tamen qui hoc factum et excusare et defendere tentant (Bullinger to Hotoman, Oct. 11, 1572; Hotoman, Epis. 35).

Nec dubium est melius cum ipsis actum fuisse, si quemadmodum a principio instituerant, cum disciplinam ecclesiasticam introduxere, viros modestos et piae veraeque reformationis cupidos tantum in suos coetus admisissent, reiectis petulantibus et fervidis ingeniis, quae eos in diros tumultus, et inextricabilia mala coniecerunt (Dinothus, De Bello Civili, 1582, p. 243).

Beza to Tilius, July 5, 1572; Ill. vir. Epp. Sel. 607.

Quoties autem ego haec ipse praedixi! quoties praemonui! Sed sic Deo visum est, iustissimis de causis irato, et tamen servatori (Beza to Tilius, Sept. 10, 1572, 614). Nihil istorum non iustissimo iudicio accidere necesse est fateri, qui Galliarum statum norunt (Beza to Crato, Aug. 26, 1573; Gillet, ii. 521).

Ut mihi quidem magis absurde facere videantur quam si sacrilegas parricidas puniendos negarent, quum sint istis omnibus haeretici infinitis partibus deteriores. . . . In nullos unquam homines severius quam in haereticos, blasphemos et impios debet animadvertere (De Haereticis puniendis, Tract. Theol. i. 143, 152).

Epist. Theolog. 1575, p. 338.

Beza to Wittgenstein, Pentecost, 1583; Friedländer, 143.

Lobo de Silveis to De Thou, July 7, 1616; Histoire, xv. 371; J. B. Gallus, Ibid. p. 435.

Le Cardinal Barberin, que je tiens pour Serviteur du Roy, a parlé franchement sur ceste affaire, et m’a dit qu’il croyoit presqu’impossible qu’il se trouve jamais remede, si vous ne la voulez recommencer; disant que depuis le commencement jusqu’à la fin vous vous estes monstré du tout passionné contre ce qui est de l’honneur et de la grandeur de l’Église, qu’il se trouvera dans vostre histoire que vous ne parlez jamais des Catholiques qu’avec du mépris et de la louange de ceux de la religion; que mesme vous avez blasmé ce que feu Monsieur le président de Thou vostre père avoit approuvé, qui est la S. Barthelemy (De Brèves to De Thou, Rome, Feb. 18, 1610; Bib. Imp. F. Dupuy, 812).

Crudelitatisne tu esse ac non clementiae potius, pietatisque putas? (Resp. ad Ep. Casauboni, 1612, p. 118).

Quae res uti Catholicae Religioni sublevandae opportuna, ita maxime jucunda Gregorio accidit (Hist. Pontif. Gregori XIII., p. 30).

Histoire d’Orléans, pp. 421, 424.

Germain to Bretagne, Rome, Dec. 24, 1685; Valery, Corresp. de Mabillon, i. 192.

Du Molinet, Hist. S. Pont. per Numismata, 1679, 93; Buorranni, Numismata Pontificum, i. 336.

Annali d’ Italia ad ann. 1572.

Si huviera respirado mas tiempo, huviera dado a entender al mundo, que avia Rey en la Francia, y Dios en Israel (Vida de S. Francisco De Borja, 446).

Vita di Sisto V., i. 119.

Quo demum res evaderent, si Regibus non esset integrum, in rebelles, subditos, quietisque publicae turbatores animadvertere? (Apparatus Eruditionis, vii. 503; Piatti, Storia de’ Pontefici XI., p. 271).

Per le notizie che ricevette della cessata strage (Moroni, Dizionario di Erudizione Ecclesiastica, xxxii. 298).

Kirchengeschichte, iii. 211.

The Rambler, March 1862.

“Le vrai principe de Luther est celui-ci: La volonté est esclave par nature. . . . Le libre examen a été pour Luther un moyen et non un principe. Il s’en est servi, et était contraint de s’en servir pour établir son vrai principe, qui était la toute-puissance de la foi et de la grâce. . . . C’est ainsi que le libre examen s’imposa au Protestantisme. L’accessoire devint le principal, et la forme dévora plus ou moins le fond” (Janet, Histoire de la Philosophie Morale, ii. 38, 39).

“If they prohibit true doctrine, and punish their subjects for receiving the entire sacrament, as Christ ordained it, compel the people to idolatrous practices, with masses for the dead, indulgences, invocation of saints, and the like, in these things they exceed their office, and seek to deprive God of the obedience due to Him. For God requires from us this above all, that we hear His Word, and follow it; but where the Government desires to prevent this, the subjects must know that they are not bound to obey it” (Luther’s Werke, xiii. 2244). “Non est, mi Spalatine, principum et istius saeculi Pontificum tueri verbum Dei, nec ea gratia ullorum peto praesidium” (Luther’s Briefe, ed. De Wette, i. 521, Nov. 4, 1520). “I will compel and urge by force no man; for the faith must be voluntary and not compulsory, and must be adopted without violence” (“Sermonen an Carlstadt,” Werke, xx. 24, 1522).

“Schrift an den christlichen Adel” (Werke, x. 574, June 1520). His proposition, Haereticos comburi esse contra voluntatem spiritus, was one of those condemned by Leo X. as pestilent, scandalous, and contrary to Christian charity.

“Nihil non tentabunt Romanenses, nec potest satis Huttenus me monere, adeo mihi de veneno timet” (De Wette, i. 487). “Etiam inimici mei quidam miserti per amicos ex Halberstadio fecerunt moneri me: esse quemdam doctorem medicinae, qui arte magica factus pro libito invisibilis, quemdam occidit, mandatum habentem et occidendi Lutheri, venturumque ad futuram Dominicam ostensionis reliquiarum: valde hoc constanter narratur” (De Wette, i. 441). “Est hic apud nos Judaeus Polonus, missus sub pretio 2000 aureorum, ut me veneno perdat, ab amicis per literas mihi proditus. Doctor est medicinae, et nihil non audere et facere paratus incredibili astutia et agilitate” (De Wette, ii. 616). See also Jarcke, Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation, p. 176.

“Multa ego premo et causa principis et universitatis nostrae cohibeo, quae (si alibi essem) evomerem in vastatricem Scripturae et Ecclesiae Romanae. . . . Timeo miser, ne forte non sim dignus pati et occidi pro tali causa: erit ista felicitas meliorum hominum, non tam foedi peccatoris. Dixi tibi semper me paratum esse cedere loco, si qua ego principi ill. viderer periculo hic vivere. Aliquando certe moriendum est, quanquam jam edita vernacula quadam apologia satis aduler Romanae Ecclesiae et Pontifici, si quid forte id prosit” (De Wette, i. 260, 261). “Ubi periculum est, ne iis protectoribus tutus saevius in Romanenses sim grassaturus, quam si sub principis imperio publicis militarem officiis docendi. . . . Ego vicissim, nisi ignem habere nequeam damnabo, publiceque concremabo jus pontificium totum, id est, lernam illam haeresium; et finem habebit humilitatis exhibitae hactenusque frustratae observantia qua nolo amplius inflari hostes Evangelii” (Ibid. pp. 465, 466, July 10, 1520).

“Out of the Gospel and divine truth come devilish lies; . . . from the blood in our body comes corruption; out of Luther come Müntzer, and rebels, Anabaptists, Sacramentarians, and false brethren” (Werke, i. 75).

“Habemus,” wrote Erasmus, “fructum tui spiritus. . . . Non agnoscis hosce seditiosos, opinor, sed illi te agnoscunt . . . nec tamen efficis quominus credant homines per tuos libellos . . . pro libertate evangelica, contra tyrannidem humanam, hisce tumultibus fuisse datam occasionem.” “And who will deny,” adds a Protestant classic, “that the fault was partly owing to them?” (Planck, Geschichte der protestantischen Kirche, ii. 183).

“Ich sehe das wohl, dass der Teufel, so er mich bisher nicht hat mögen umbringen durch den Pabst, sucht er mich durch die blutdürstigen Mordpropheten und Rottengeisten, so unter euch sind, zu vertilgen und auffressen” (Werke, xvi. 77).

Schenkel, Wesen des Protestantismus, iii. 348, 351; Hagen, Geist der Reformation, ii. 146, 151; Menzel, Neuere Geschichte der Deutschen, i. 115.

See the best of his biographies, Jürgens, Luther’s Leben, iii. 601.

“Quid hoc ad me? qui sciam etiam Turcam honorandum et ferendum potestatis gratia. Quia certus sum non nisi volente Deo ullam potestatem consistere” (De Wette, i. 236).

“I beg first of all that you will not help to mollify Count Albert in these matters, but let him go on as he has begun. . . . Encourage him to go on briskly, to leave things in the hands of God, and obey His divine command to wield the sword as long as he can.” “Do not allow yourselves to be much disturbed, for it will redound to the advantage of many souls that will be terrified by it, and preserved.” “If there are innocent persons amongst them, God will surely save and preserve them, as He did with Lot and Jeremiah. If He does not, then they are certainly not innocent. . . . We must pray for them that they obey, otherwise this is no time for compassion; just let the guns deal with them.” “Sentio melius esse omnes rusticos caedi quam principes et magistratus, eo quod rustici sine autoritate Dei gladium accipiunt. Quam nequitiam Satanae sequi non potest nisi mera Satanica vastitas regni Dei, et mundi principes etsi excedunt, tamen gladium autoritate Dei gerunt. Ibi utrumque regnum consistere potest, quare nulla misericordia, nulla patientia rusticis debetur, sed ira et indignatio Dei et hominum” (De Wette, ii. 653, 655, 666, 669, 671).

“Wir lehren die christlich Obrigkeit möge nicht nur, sondern solle auch sich der Religion und Glaubenssachen mit Ernst annehmen; davon halten die Wiedertäufer steif das Widerspiel, welches sie auch zum Theil gemein haben mit den Prälaten der römischen Kirche” (Declaration of the Protestants, quoted in Jörg, Deutschland von 1522 bis 1526, p. 709).

“As to your question, how they are to be punished, I do not consider them blasphemers, but regard them in the light of the Turks, or deluded Christians, whom the civil power has not to punish, at least bodily. But if they refuse to acknowledge and to obey the civil authority, then they forfeit all they have and are, for then sedition and murder are certainly in their hearts” (De Wette, ii. 622; Osiander’s opinion in Jörg, p. 706).

“Dass in dem Urtheil und desselben öffentlicher Verkündigung keines Irrthums oder Ketzereien . . . sondern allein der Aufruhr und fürgenommenen Morderei, die ihm doch laut seiner Urgicht nie lieb gewesen, gedacht werde” (Jörg, p. 708).

“Principes nostri non cogunt ad fidem et Evangelion, sed cohibent externas abominationes” (De Wette, iii. 50). “Wenn die weltliche Obrigkeit die Verbrechen wider die zweite Gesetzestafel bestrafen, und aus der menschlichen Gesellschaft tilgen solle, wie vielmehr denn die Verbrechen wider die erste?” (Luther, apud Bucholtz, Geschichte Ferdinands I., iii. 571).

Planck, iv. 61, explains why this was not thought of.

Linde, Staatskirche, p. 23. “Der Papst sammt seinem Haufen glaubt nicht; darum bekennen wir, er werde nicht selig, das ist verdammt werden” (Table-Talk, ii. 350).

Kaltenborn, Vorläufer des Grotius, 208.

Möhler, Symbolik, 428.

“Quodsi unam legem Mosi cogimur servare, eadem ratione et circumcidemur, et totam legem servare oportebit. . . . Nunc vero non sumus amplius sub lege Mosi, sed subjecti legibus civilibus in talibus rebus” (Luther to Barnes, Sept. 5, 1531; De Wette, iv. 296).

“All things that we find done by the patriarchs in the Old Testament ought to be free and not forbidden. Circumcision is abolished, but not so that it would be a sin to perform it, but optional, neither sinful nor acceptable. . . . In like manner it is not forbidden that a man should have more than one wife. Even at the present day I could not prohibit it; but I would not recommend it” (Commentary on Genesis, 1528; see Jarcke, Studien, p. 108). “Ego sane fateor, me non posse prohibere, siquis plures velit uxores ducere, nec repugnat sacris literis: verum tamen apud Christianos id exempli nollem primo introduci, apud quos decet etiam ea intermittere, quae licita sunt, pro vitando scandalo, et pro honestate vitae” (De Wette, ii. 459, Jan. 13, 1524). “From these instances of bigamy (Lamech, Jacob) no rule can be drawn for our times; and such examples have no power with us Christians, for we live under our authorities, and are subject to our civil laws” (Table-Talk, v. 64).

“Antequam tale repudium, probarem potius regi permitterem alteram reginam quoque ducere, et exemplo patrum et regum duas simul uxores seu reginas habere. . . . Si peccavit ducendo uxorem fratris mortui, peccavit in legem humanam seu civilem; si autem repudiaverit, peccabit in legem mere divinam” (De Wette, iv. 296). “Haud dubio rex Angliae uxorem fratris mortui ductam retinere potest . . . docendus quod has res politicas commiserit Deus magistratibus, neque nos alligaverit ad Moisen. . . . Si vult rex successioni prospicere, quanto satius est, id facere sine infamia prioris conjugii. Ac potest id fieri sine ullo periculo conscientiae cujuscunque aut famae per polygamiam. Etsi enim non velim concedere polygamiam vulgo, dixi enim supra, nos non ferre leges, tamen in hoc casu propter magnam utilitatem regni, fortassis etiam propter conscientiam regis, ita pronuncio: tutissimum esse regi, si ducat secundam uxorem, priore non abjecta, quia certum est polygamiam non esse prohibitam jure divino, nec res est omnino inusitata” (Melanthonis Opera, ed. Bretschneider, ii. 524, 526). “Nolumus esse auctores divortii, cum conjugium cum jure divino non pugnet. Hi, qui diversum pronunciant, terribiliter exaggerant et exasperant jus divinum. Nos contra exaggeramus in rebus politicis auctoritatem magistratus, quae profecto non est levis, multaque justa sunt propter magistratus auctoritatem, quae alioqui in dubium vocantur” (Melanchthon to Bucer, Bretschneider, ii. 552).

“Suadere non possumus ut introducatur publice et velut lege sanciatur permissio, plures quam unam uxores ducendi. . . . Primum ante omnia cavendum, ne haec res inducatur in orbem ad modum legis, quam sequendi libera omnibus sit potestas. Deinde considerare dignetur vestra celsitudo scandalum, nimirum quod Evangelio hostes exclamaturi sint, nos similes esse Anabaptistis, qui plures simul duxerunt uxores” (De Wette, v. 236. Signed by Luther, Melanchthon, and Bucer).

“He that would appear wise will not be satisfied with anything that others do; he must do something for himself, and that must be better than anything. This fool (Copernicus) wants to overturn the whole science of astronomy. But, as the holy Scriptures tell us, Joshua told the sun to stand still, and not the earth” (Table-Talk, iv. 575).

“Das ist die christliche Freiheit, der einige Glaube, der da macht, nicht dass wir müssig gehen oder übel thun mögen, sondern dass wir keines Werks bedürfen, die Frömmigkeit und Seligkeit zu erlangen” (Sermon von der Freiheit). A Protestant historian, who quotes this passage, goes on to say: “On the other hand, the body must be brought under discipline by every means, in order that it may obey and not burden the inner man. Outward servitude, therefore, assists the progress towards internal freedom” (Bensen, Geschichte des Bauernkriegs, 269.)

Werke, x. 413.

“According to Scripture, it is by no means proper that one who would be a Christian should set himself against his superiors, whether by God’s permission they act justly or unjustly. But a Christian must suffer violence and wrong, especially from his superiors. . . . As the emperor continues emperor, and princes princes, though they transgress all God’s commandments, yea, even if they be heathen, so they do even when they do not observe their oath and duty. . . . Sin does not suspend authority and allegiance” (De Wette, iii. 560).

Ranke, Reformation, iii. 183.

Ranke, iv. 7; Jürgens, iii. 601.

Newman, Lectures on Justification, p. 386.

“Was durch ordentliche Gewalt geschieht, ist nicht für Aufruhr zu halten” (Bensen, p. 269; Jarcke, Studien, p, 312; Janet, ii. 40).

“Princes, and all rulers and governments, however pious and God-fearing they may be, cannot be without sin in their office and temporal administration. . . . They cannot always be so exactly just and successful as some wiseacres suppose; therefore they are above all in need of the forgiveness of sins” (see Kaltenborn, p. 209).

“Of old, under the Papacy, princes and lords, and all judges, were very timid in shedding blood, and punishing robbers, murderers, thieves, and all manner of evil-doers; for they knew not how to distinguish a private individual who is not in office from one in office, charged with the duty of punishing. . . . The executioner had always to do penance, and to apologise beforehand to the convicted criminal for what he was going to do to him, just as if it was sinful and wrong.” “Thus they were persuaded by monks to be gracious, indulgent, and peaceable. But authorities, princes and lords ought not to be merciful” (Table-Talk, iv. 159, 160).

“Den weltlichen Bann sollten Könige und Kaiser wieder aufrichten, denn wir können ihn jetzt nicht anrichten. . . . Aber so wir nicht können die Sünde des Lebens bannen und strafen, so bannen wir doch die Sünde der Lehre” (Bruns, Luther’s Predigten, 63).

“Wo sie solche Rottengeister würden zulassen und leiden, so sie es doch wehren und vorkommen können, würden sie ihre Gewissen gräulich beschweren, und vielleicht nimmermehr widder stillen können, nicht allein der Seelen halben, die dadurch verführt und verdammt werden . . . sondern auch der ganzen heiligen Kirchen halben” (De Wette, iv. 355).

“Nu ist alle Abgötterey gegen die Messe ein geringes” (De Wette, v. 191; sec. iv. 307)

Bucholtz, iii. 570.

“Sie aber verachten die Schrift muthwilliglich, darum wären sie billig aus der einigen Ursach zu stillen, oder nicht zu leiden” (De Wette, iii. 90).

“Wollen sie aber wie die Juden seyn, nicht Christen heissen, noch Kaisers Glieder, sondern sich lassen Christus und Kaisers Feinde nennen, wie die Juden; wohlan, so wollen wir’s auch leiden, dass sie in ihren Synagogen, wie die Juden, verschlossen lästern, so lang sie wollen” (De Wette, iv. 94).

Riffel, Kirchengeschichte, ii. 9; Table-Talk, iii. 175.

“Ego ab initio, cum primum caepi nosse Ciconiam et Ciconiae factionem, unde hoc totum genus Anabaptistarum exortum est, fui stulte clemens. Sentiebant enim et alii haereticos non esse ferro opprimendos. Et tunc dux Fridericus vehementer iratus erat Ciconiae: ac nisi a nobis tectus esset, fuisset de homine furioso et perdite malo sumtum supplicium. Nunc me ejus clementiae non parum poenitet. . . . Brentius nimis clemens est” (Bretschneider, ii. 17. Feb. 1530).

“Sed objiciunt exemplum nobis periculosum: si haec pertinent ad magistratus, quoties igitur magistratus judicabit aliquos errare, saeviet in eos. Caesar igitur debet nos opprimere, quoniam ita judicat nos errare. Respondeo: certe debet errores et prohibere et punire. . . . Non est enim solius Caesaris cognitio, sicut in urbibus haec cognitio non est tantum magistratus prophani, sed est doctorum. Viderit igitur magistratus ut recte judicet” (Bretschneider, ii. 712). “Deliberent igitur principes, non cum tyrannis, non cum pontificibus, non cum hypocritis, monachis aut aliis, sed cum ipsa Evangelii voce, cum probatis scriptoribus” (Bretschneider, iii. 254).

“Quare ita sentias, magistratum debere uti summa severitate in coercendis hujusmodi spiritibus. . . . Sines igitur novis exemplis timorem incuti multitudini . . . ad haec notae tibi sint causae seditionum, quas gladio prohiberi oportet. . . . Propterea sentio de his qui etiamsi non defendunt seditiosos articulos, habent manifeste blasphemos, quod interfici a magistratu debeant” (ii. 17, 18). “De Anabaptistis tulimus hic in genere sententiam: quia constat sectam diabolicam esse, non esse tolerandam: dissipari enim ecclesias per eos, cum ipsi nullam habeant certam doctrinam. . . . Ideo in capita factionum in singulis locis ultima supplicia constituenda esse judicavimus” (ii. 549). “It is clear that it is the duty of secular government to punish blasphemy, false doctrine, and heresy, on the bodies of those who are guilty of them. . . . Since it is evident that there are gross errors in the articles of the Anabaptist sect, we conclude that in this case the obstinate ought to be punished with death” (iii. 199). “Propter hanc causam Deus ordinavit politias ut Evangelium propagari possit . . . nec revocamus politiam Moysi, sed lex moralis perpetua est omnium aetatum . . . quandocumque constat doctrinam esse impiam, nihil dubium est quin sanior pars Ecclesiae debeat malos pastores removere et abolere impios cultus. Et hanc emendationem praecipue adjuvare debent magistratus, tanquam potiora membra Ecclesiae” (iii. 242, 244). “Thammerus, qui Mahometicas seu Ethnicas opiniones spargit, vagatur in dioecesi Mindensi, quem publicis suppliciis adficere debebant. . . . Evomuit blasphemias, quae refutandae sunt non tantum disputatione aut scriptis, sed etiam justo officio pii magistratus” (ix. 125, 131).

“Voco autem blasphemos qui articulos habent, qui proprie non pertinent ad civilem statum, sed continent θεωρίας ut de divinitate Christi et similes. Etsi enim gradus quidam sunt, tamen huc etiam refero baptismum infantum. . . . Quia magistratui commissa est tutela totius legis, quod attinet ad externam disciplinam et externa facta. Quare delicta externa contra primam tabulam prohibere ac punire debet. . . . Quare non solum concessum est, sed etiam mandatum est magistratui, impias doctrinas abolere, et tueri pias in suis ditionibus” (ii. 711). “Ecclesiastica potestas tantum judicat et excommunicat haereticos, non occidit. Sed potestas civilis debet constituere poenas et supplicia in haereticos, sicut in blasphemos constituit supplicia. . . . Non enim plectitur fides, sed haeresis” (xii. 697).

“Notum est etiam, quosdam tetra et δύσϕημα dixisse de sanguine Christi, quos puniri oportuit, et propter gloriam Christi, et exempli causa” (viii. 553). “Argumentatur ille praestigiator (Schwenkfeld), verbum externum non esse medium, quo Deus est efficax. Talis sophistica principum severitate compescenda erat” (ix. 579).

“The office of preacher is distinct from that of governor, yet both have to contribute to the praise of God. Princes are not only to protect the goods and bodily life of their subjects, but the principal function is to promote the honour of God, and to prevent idolatry and blasphemy” (iii. 199). “Errant igitur magistratus, qui divellunt gubernationem a fine, et se tantum pacis ac ventris custodes esse existimant. . . . At si tantum venter curandus esset, quid differrent principes ab armentariis? Nam longe aliter sentiendum est. Politias divinitus admirabili sapientia et bonitate constitutas esse, non tantum ad quaerenda et fruenda ventris bona, sed multo magis, ut Deus in societate innotescat, ut aeterna bona quaerantur” (iii. 246).

“Neque illa barbarica excusatio audienda est, leges illas pertinere ad politiam Mosaicam, non ad nostram. Ut Decalogus ipse ad omnes pertinet, ita judex ubique omnia Decalogi officia in externa disciplina tueatur” (viii. 520).

“Legi scriptum tuum, in quo refutasti luculenter horrendas Serveti blasphemias, ac filio Dei gratias ago, qui fuit βραβεντὴς hujus tui agonis. Tibi quoque Ecclesia et nunc et ad posteros gratitudinem debet et debebit. Tuo judicio prorsus adsentior. Affirmo etiam, vestros magistratus juste fecisse, quod hominem blasphemum, re ordine judicata, interfecerunt” (Melanchthon to Calvin, Bretschneider, viii. 362). “Judico etiam Senatum Genevensem recte fecisse, quod hominem pertinacem et non omissurum blasphemias sustulit. Ac miratus sum, esse, qui severitatem illam improbent” (viii. 523). “Dedit vero et Genevensis reip. magistratus ante annos quatuor punitae insanabilis blasphemiae adversus filium Dei, sublato Serveto Arragone pium et memorabile ad omnem posteritatem exemplum” (ix. 133).

“Abusus missae per magistratus debet tolli. Non aliter, atque sustulit aeneum serpentem Ezechias, aut excelsa demolitus est Josias” (i. 480). “Politicis magistratibus severissime mandatum est, ut suo quisque loco manibus et armis tollant statuas, ad quas fiunt hominum concursus et invocationes, et puniant suppliciis corporum insanabiles, qui idolorum cultum pertinaciter retinent, aut blasphemias serunt” (ix. 77).

“If the French and English community at Frankfort shared the errors of Servetus or Thamer, or other enemies of the Symbols, or the errors of the Anabaptists on infant baptism, against the authority of the State, etc., I should faithfully advise and strongly recommend that they should be soon driven away; for the civil power is bound to prevent and to punish proved blasphemy and sedition. But I find that this community is orthodox in the symbolical articles on the Son of God, and in other articles of the Symbol. . . . If the faith of the citizens in every town were inquired into, what trouble and confusion would not arise in many countries and towns!” (ix. 179).

Schmidt, Philipp Melanchthon, p. 640. His exhortations to the Landgrave to put down the Zwinglians are characteristic: “The Zwinglians, without waiting for the Council, persecute the Papists and the Anabaptists; why must it be wrong for others to prohibit their indefensible doctrine independent of the Council?” Philip replied: “Forcibly, to prohibit a doctrine which neither contradicts the articles of faith nor encourages sedition, I do not think right. . . . When Luther began to write and to preach, he admonished and instructed the Government that it had no right to forbid books or to prevent preaching, and that its office did not extend so far, but that it had only to govern the body and goods. . . . I had not heard before that the Zwinglians persecute the Papists; but if they abolish abuses, it is not unjust, for the Papists wish to deserve heaven by their works, and so blaspheme the Son of God. That they should persecute the Anabaptists is also not wrong, for their doctrine is in part seditious.” The divines answered: “If by God’s grace our true and necessary doctrine is tolerated as it has hitherto been by the emperor, though reluctantly, we think that we ought not to prevent it by undertaking the defence of the Zwinglian doctrine, if that should not be tolerated. . . . As to the argument that we ought to spare the people while persecuting the leaders, our answer is, that it is not a question of persons, but only of doctrine, whether it be true or false” (Correspondence of Brenz and Melanchthon with Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Bretschneider, ii. 95, 98, 101).

Hardwicke, Reformation, p. 274.

Seidemann, Thomas Münzer, p. 35.

Schenkel, iii. 381.

Heinrich Grosbeck’s Bericht, ed. Cornelius, 19.

Herzog, Encyclopädie für protestantische Theologie, ii. 418.

Bussierre, Establissement du Protestantisme en Alsace, p. 429.

Baum, Capito und Butzer, p. 489.

Baum, p. 492; Erbkam, Protestantische Sekten, p. 581.

Ursinus writes to Bullinger: “Liberavit nos Deus ab idolatria: succedit licentia infinita et horribilis divini nominis, ecclesiae doctrinae purioris et sacramentorum prophanatio et sub pedibus porcorum et canum, conniventibus atque utinam non defendentibus iis qui prohibere suo loco debebant, conculcatio” (Sudhoff, Olevianus und Ursinus, p. 340).

“Adserere audemus, neminem magistratum recte gerere ne posse quidem, nisi Christianus sit” (Zuingli, Opera, iii. 296). “If they shall proceed in an unbrotherly way, and against the ordinance of Christ, then let them be deposed, in God’s name” (Schenkel, iii. 362).

Christoffel, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 251.

Zwingli’s advice to the Protestants of St. Gall, in Pressel, Joachim Vadian, p. 45.

Pestalozzi, Heinrich Bullinger, p. 95.

Ibid., Leo Judä, p. 50.

Pestalozzi, Heinrich Bullinger, p. 146.

Ibid. p. 149.

Ibid. p. 270.

Pestalozzi, Heinrich Bullinger, p. 426.

In the year 1555 he writes to Socinus: “I too am of opinion that heretical men must be cut off with the spiritual sword. . . . The Lutherans at first did not understand that sectaries must be restrained and punished, but after the fall of Münster, when thousands of poor misguided men, many of them orthodox, had perished, they were compelled to admit that it is wiser and better for the Government not only to restrain wrong-headed men, but also, by putting to death a few that deserve it, to protect thousands of inhabitants” (Ibid. p. 428).

Herzog, Leben Oekolampads, ii. 197.

Ibid. p. 189.

Ibid. p. 206.

Herzog, Leben Oekolampads, ii. 195. Herzog finds an excuse for the harsh treatment of the Lutherans at Basel in the still greater severity of the Lutheran Churches against the followers of the Swiss reformation (Ibid. 213).

Hundeshagen, Conflikte des Zwinglianismus und Calvinismus, 41.

“Huc spectat (politia) . . . ne idololatria, ne in Dei nomen sacrilegia, ne adversus ejus veritatem blasphemiae aliaeque religionis offensiones publice emergant ac in populum spargantur. . . . Politicam ordinationem probo, quae in hoc incumbit, ne vera religio, quae Dei lege continetur, palam, publicisque sacrilegiis impune violetur” (Institutio Christianae Religionis, ed. Tholuck, ii. 477). “Hoc ergo summopere requiritur a regibus, ut gladio quo praediti sunt utantur ad cultum Dei asserendum” (Praelectiones in Prophetas, Opera, v. 233, ed. 1667).

“Huic etiam colligere promptum est, quam stulta fuerit imaginatio eorum qui volebant usum gladii tollere e mundo, Evangelii praetextu. Scimus Anabaptistas fuisse tumultuatos, quasi totus ordo politicus repugnaret Christi regno, quia regnum Christi continetur sola doctrina; deinde nulla futura sit vis. Hoc quidem verum esset, si essemus in hoc mundo angeli: sed quemadmodum jam dixi, exiguus est piorum numerus: ideo necesse est reliquam turbam cohiberi violento freno: quia permixti sunt filii Dei vel saevis belluis, vel vulpibus et fraudulentis hominibus” (Pr. in Michaeam, v. 310). “In quo non suam modo inscitiam, sed diabolicum fastum produnt, dum perfectionem sibi arrogant; cujus ne centesima quidem pars in illis conspicitur” (Institutio, ii. 478).

“Tota igitur excellentia, tota dignitas, tota potentia Ecclesiae debet huc referri, ut omnia subjaceant Deo, et quicquid erit in gentibus hoc totum sit sacrum, ut scilicet cultus Dei tam apud victores quam apud victos vigeat’ (Pr. in Michaeam, v. 317).

“Ita tollitur offensio, quae multos imperitos fallit, dum metuunt ne hoc praetextu ad saeviendum armentur Papae carnifices.” Calvin was warned by experience of the imprudence of Luther’s language. “In Gallis proceres in excusanda saevitia immani allegant autoritatem Lutheri” (Melanchthon, Opera, v. 176).

“Vous avez deux espèces de mutins qui se sont eslevez entre le roy et l’estat du royaume: Les uns sont gens fantastiques, qui soubs couleur de l’évangile vouldroient mettre tout en confusion. Les aultres sont gens obstinés aux superstitions de l’Antéchrist de Rome. Tous ensemble méritent bien d’estre réprimés par le glayve qui vous est commis, veu qu’ils s’attaschent non seulement au roy, mais à Dieu qui l’a assis au siège royal” (Calvin to Somerset, Oct, 22, 1540; Lettres de Calvin, ed. Bonnet, i. 267. See also Henry, Leben Calvins, ii. Append. 30).

“Abdicant enim se potestate terreni principes dum insurgunt contra Deum: imo indigni sunt qui censeantur in hominum numero. Potius ergo conspuere oportet in ipsorum capita, quam illis parere, ubi ita proterviunt ut velint etiam spoliare Deum jure suo, et quasi occupare solium ejus, acsi possent eum a coelo detrahere” (Pr. in Danielem, v. 91).

“Quant au serment qu’on vous a contraincte de faire, comme vous avez failli et offensé Dieu en le faisant, aussi n’estes-vous tenue de le garder” (Calvin to the Duchess of Ferrara, Bonnet, ii. 338). She had taken an oath, at her husband’s death, that she would not correspond with Calvin.

“In aulis regum videmus primas teneri a bestiis. Nam hodie, ne repetamus veteres historias, ut reges fere omnes fatui sunt ac bruti, ita etiam sunt quasi equi et asini brutorum animalium. . . . Reges sunt hodie fere mancipia” (Pr. in Danielem, v. 82). “Videmus enim ut hodie quoque pro sua libidine commoveant totum orbem principes; quia produnt alii aliis innoxios populos, et exercent foedam nundinationem, dum quisque commodum suum venatur, et sine ullo pudore, tantum ut augeat suam potentiam, alios tradit in manum inimici” (Pr. in Nahum, v. 363). “Hodie pudet reges aliquid prae se ferre humanum, sed omnes gestus accommodant ad tyrannidem” (Pr. in Jeremiam, v. 257).

“Sur ce que je vous avais allégué, que David nous instruict par son exemple de haïr les ennemis de Dieu, vous respondez que c’estoit pour ce tempslà duquel sous la loi de rigueur il estoit permis de haïr les ennemis. Or, madame, ceste glose seroit pour renverser toute l’Escriture, et partant il la fault fuir comme une peste mortelle. . . . Combien que j’aye tousjours prié Dieu de luy faire mercy, si est-ce que j’ay souvent désiré que Dieu mist la main sur luy (Guise) pour en deslivrer son Eglise, s’il ne le vouloit convertir” (Calvin to the Duchess of Ferrara, Bonnet, ii. 551). Luther was in this respect equally unscrupulous: “This year we must pray Duke Maurice to death, we must kill him with our prayers; for he will be an evil man” (MS. quoted in Döllinger, Reformation, iii. 266).

“Quod de praepostero nostrorum fervore scribis, verissimum est, neque tamen ulla occurrit moderandi ratio, quia sanis consiliis non obtemperant. Passim denuntio, si judex essem me non minus severe in rabioso, istos impetus vindicaturum, quam rex suis edictis mandat. Pergendum nihilominus, quando nos Deus voluit stultis esse debitores” (Calvin to Beza; Henry, Leben Calvins, iii. Append. 164).

“Il n’a tenu qu’à moi que, devant la guerre, gens de faict et d’exécution ne se soyent efforcez de l’exterminer du monde (Guise) lesquels ont esté retenus par ma seule exhortation.”—Bonnet, ii. 553.

“Hoc nobis si assidue ob animos et oculos obversetur, eodem decreto constitui etiam nequissimos reges, quo regum auctoritas statuitur; nunquam in animum nobis seditiosae illae cogitationes venient, tractandum esse pro meritis regem nec aequum esse, ut subditos ei nos praestemus, qui vicissim regem nobis se non praestet. . . . De privatis hominibus semper loquor. Nam si qui nunc sint populares magistratus ad moderandam regum libidinem constituti (quales olim erant . . . ephori . . . tribuni . . . demarchi: et qua etiam forte potestate, ut nunc res habent, funguntur in singulis regnis tres ordines, quum primarios conventus peragunt) . . . illos ferocienti regum licentiae pro officio intercedere non veto” (Institutio, ii. 493, 495).

“Quum ergo ita licentiose omnia sibi permittent (Donatistae), volebant tamen impune manere sua scelera: et in primis tenebant hoc principium: non esse poenas sumendas, si quis ab aliis dissideret in religionis doctrina: quemadmodum hodie videmus quosdam de hac re nimis cupide contendere. Certum est quid cupiant. Nam si quis ipsos respiciat, sunt impii Dei contemptores: saltem vellent nihil certum esse in religione; ideo labefactare, et quantum in se est etiam convellere nituntur omnia pietatis principia. Ut ergo liceat ipsis evomere virus suum, ideo tantopere litigant pro impunitate, et negant poenas de haereticis et blasphemis sumendas esse” (Pr. in Danielem, v. 51).

“Defensio Orthodoxae Fidei . . . ubi ostenditur Haereticos jure gladii coercendos esse,” 1554.

“Non modo liberum esse magistratibus poenas sumere de coelestis doctrinae corruptoribus, sed divinitus esse mandatum, ut pestiferis erroribus impunitatem dare nequeant, quin desciscant ab officii sui fide. . . . Nunc vero quisquis haereticis et blasphemis injuste paenam infligi contenderet, sciens et volens se obstringet blasphemiae reatu. . . . Ubi a suis fundamentis convellitur religio, detestandae in Deum blasphemiae proferuntur, impiis et pestiferis dogmatibus in exitium rapiuntur animae; denique ubi palam defectio ab unico Deo puraque doctrina tentatur, ad extremum illud remedium descendere necesse” (see Schenkel, iii. 389; Dyer, Life of Calvin, p. 354; Henry, iii. 234).

De Haereticis an sint persequendi, Magdeburgi, 1554. Chataillon, to whom it is generally attributed, was not the author (see Heppe, Theodor Beza, p. 37).

Hallam, Literature of Europe, ii. 81; Schlosser, Leben des Beza, p. 55. This is proved by the following passage from the dedication: “This I say not to favour the heretics, whom I abhor, but because there are here two dangerous rocks to be avoided. In the first place, that no man should be deemed a heretic when he is not, . . . and that the real rebel be distinguished from the Christian who, by following the teaching and example of his Master, necessarily causes separation from the wicked and unbelieving. The other danger is, lest the real heretics be not more severely punished than the discipline of the Church requires” (Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 215).

“Multis piis hominibus in Gallia exustis grave passim apud Germanos odium ignes illi excitaverant, sparsi sunt, ejus restinguendi causa, improbi ac mendaces libelli, non alios tam crudeliter tractari, quam Anabaptistas ac turbulentos homines, qui perversis deliriis non religionem modo sed totum ordinem politicum convellerent. . . . Haec mihi edendae Institutionis causa fuit, primum ut ab injusta contumelia vindicarem fratres meos, quorum mors pretiosa erat in conspectu Domini; deinde quum multis miseris eadem visitarent supplicia, pro illis dolor saltem aliquis et sollicitudo exteras gentes tangeret” (Praefatio in Psalmos. See “Historia Litteraria de Calvini Institutione,” in Scrinium Antiquarium, ii. 452).

Baum, i. 206. “Telles gens,” says Calvin, “seroient contents qu’il n’y eust ne loy, ne bride au monde. Voilà pourquoy ils ont basti ce beau libvre De non comburendis Haereticis, où ils ont falsifié les noms tant des villes que des personnes, non pour aultre cause sinon pource que le dit livre est farcy de blasphèmes insupportables” (Bonnet, ii. 18).

De Haereticis a civili Magistratu puniendis, 1554.

“Absit autem a nobis, ut in eos, qui vel simplicitate peccant, sine aliorum pernicie et insigni blasphemia, vel in explicando quopiam Scripturae loco dissident a recepta opinione, magistratum armemus” (Tractatus Theologici, i. 95).

This was sometimes the practice in Catholic countries, where heresy was equivalent to treason. Duke William of Bavaria ordered obstinate Anabaptists to be burnt; those who recanted to be beheaded. “Welcher revocir, den soll man köpfen; welcher nicht revocir, den soll man brennen” (Jörg, p. 717).

“Ex quibus omnibus una conjunctio efficitur, istos quibus haeretici videntur non esse puniendi, opinionem in Ecclesiam Dei conari longe omnium pestilentissimam invehere et ex diametro repugnantem doctrinae primum a Deo Patre proditae, deinde a Christo instauratae, ab universa denique Ecclesia orthodoxa perpetuo consensu usurpatae, ut mihi quidem magis absurde facere videantur quam si sacrilegas aut parricidas puniendos negarent, quum sint istis omnibus haeretici infinitis partibus deteriores” (Tract. Theol. i. 143).

“Verum est quod correctione non exspectata Ananiam et Sapphiram occidit Petrus. Quia Spiritus Sanctus tunc maxime vigens, quem spreverant, docebat esse incorrigibiles, in malitia obstinatos. Hoc crimen est morte simpliciter dignum et apud Deum et apud homines. In aliis autem criminibus, ubi Spiritus Sanctus speciale quid non docet, ubi non est invetérata malitia, aut obstinatio certa non apparet aut atrocitas magna, correctionem per alias castigationes sperare potius debemus” (Servetus, Restitutio Christianismi, 656; Henry, iii. 235).

“Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar” (Calvin to Farel, in Henry, iii. Append. 65; Audin, Vie de Calvin, ii. 314; Dyer, 544).

“Spero capitale saltem fore judicium: poenae vero atrocitatem remitti cupio” (Calvin to Farel, Henry, iii. 189). Dr. Henry makes no attempt to clear Calvin of the imputation of having caused the death of Servetus. Nevertheless he proposed, some years later, that the three-hundredth anniversary of the execution should be celebrated in the Church of Geneva by a demonstration. “It ought to declare itself in a body, in a manner worthy of our principles, admitting that in past times the authorities of Geneva were mistaken, loudly proclaiming toleration, which is truly the crown of our Church, and paying due honour to Calvin, because he had no hand in the business (parcequ’il n’a pas trempé dans cette affaire), of which he has unjustly borne the whole burden.” The impudence of this declaration is surpassed by the editor of the French periodical from which we extract it. He appends to the words in our parenthesis the following note: “We underline in order to call attention to this opinion of Dr. Henry, who is so thoroughly acquainted with the whole question” (Bulletin de la Société de l Histoire du Protestantisme Français, ii. 114).

“Qui scripserunt de non plectendis haereticis, semper mihi visi sunt non parum errare” (Farel to Blaarer, Henry, iii. 202). During the trial he wrote to Calvin: “If you desire to diminish the horrible punishment, you will act as a friend towards your most dangerous enemy. If I were to seduce anybody from the true faith, I should consider myself worthy of death; I cannot judge differently of another than of myself” (Schmidt, Farel und Viret, p. 33).

Before sentence was pronounced Bullinger wrote to Beza: “Quid vero amplisimus Senatus Genevensis ageret cum blasphemo illo nebulone Serveto. Si sapit et officium suum facit, caedit, ut totus orbis videat Genevam Christi gloriam cupere servatam” (Baum, i. 204). With reference to Socinus he wrote: “Sentio ego spirituali gladio abscindendos esse homines haereticos” (Henry, iii. 225).

Peter Martyr Vermili also gave in his adhesion to Calvin’s policy: “De Serveto Hispano, quid aliud dicam non habeo, nisi eum fuisse genuinum Diaboli filium, cujus pestifera et detestanda doctrina undique profliganda est, neque magistratus, qui de illo supplicium extremum sumpsit, accusandus est, cum emendationis nulla indiçia in eo possent deprehendi, illiusque blasphemiae omnino intolerabiles essent” (Loci Communes, 1114. See Schlosser, Leben des Beza und des Peter Martyr Vermili, 512).

Zanchi, who at the instigation of Bullinger also published a treatise, De Haereticis Coercendis, says of Beza’s work: “Non poterit non probari summopere piis omnibus. Satis superque respondit quidem ille novis istis academicis, ita ut supervacanea et inutilis omnino videatur mea tractatio” (Baum, i. 232).

“The trial of Servetus,” says a very ardent Calvinist, “is illegal only in one point—the crime, if crime there be, had not been committed at Geneva; but long before the Councils had usurped the unjust privilege of judging strangers stopping at Geneva, although the crimes they were accused of had not been committed there” (Haag, La France Protestante, iii. 129).

Literature of Europe, ii. 82.

This is the ground taken by two Dutch divines in answer to the consultation of John of Nassau in 1579: “Neque in imperio, neque in Galliis, neque in Belgio speranda esset unquam libertas in externo religionis exercitio nostris . . . si non diversarum religionum exercitia in una eademque provincia toleranda. . . . Sic igitur gladio adversus nos armabimus Pontificios, si hanc hypothesin tuebimur, quod exercitium religionis alteri parti nullum prorsus relinqui debeat” (Scrinium Antiquarium, i. 335).

The Rambler, 1858.

Tertullian, Apologeticum, 39; see also 30, 32. “We pray also for the emperors, for the ministers of their Government, for the State, for the peace of the world, for the delay of the last day.”

De Civit. Dei, xv. 5. “The fratricide was the first founder of the secular State.”

“The Church reckons her subjects not as her servants but as her children.”

“It is the maddest insolence, not only to dispute against that which we see the universal Church believing, but also against what we see her doing. For not only is the faith of the Church the rule of our faith, but also her actions of ours, and her customs of that which we ought to observe” (Morinus, Comment. de Discipl. in administ. Poenitentiae, Preface).

“Apud vos quodvis colere jus est Deum verum” (Tertullian, Apolog. xxiv.).

August. de Civ. Dei, xx. 19, 3.

“Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum imperatoris, quem . . . necesse est ut . . . salvum velit cum toto Romano imperio quousque saeculum stabit; tamdiu enim stabit” (Tert. ad Scapulam, 2). “Cum caput illud orbis occiderit et ῥύμη esse coeperit, quod Sibyllae fore aiunt, quis dubitet venisse jam finem rebus humanis orbique terrarum?” (Lactantius, Inst. Div. vii. 25). “Non prius veniet Christus, quam regni Romani defectio fiat” (Ambrose ad ep. i. ad Thess.).

“There is nothing so voluntary as religion.”

“God does not want unwilling worship, nor does he require a forced repentance.”

Athanas. i. 363 b and 384 c μὴ ἀναγκάζειν ἀλλὰ πείθειν “not compulsion, but persuasion” (Chrysost. ii. 540 a and c).

“If the State of which we are the secular children passes away, that of which we are spiritual children passes not. Has God gone to sleep and let the house be destroyed, or let in the enemy through want of watchfulness? Why fearest thou when earthly kingdoms fall? Heaven is promised thee, that thou mightest not fall with them. The works of God Himself shall pass: how much sooner the works of Romulus! Let us not quail, my brethren; all earthly kingdoms must come to an end.”

“The cry of the whole world is ‘Christ.’ The mind is horrified in reviewing the ruins of our age. The Roman world is falling, and yet our stiff neck is not bent. The barbarians’ strength is in our sins; the defeat of the Roman armies in our vices. We will not cut off the occasions of the malady, that the malady may be healed. The world is falling, but in us there is no falling off from sin” (St. Jerome, ep. 35, ad Heliodorum; ep. 98, ad Gaudentium).

“None are better witnesses of the words of heaven than we, on whom the end of the world has come. We assist at the world’s setting, and diseases precede its dissolution” (Expos. Ep. sec. Lucam, x.).

“What is well-nigh all Christendom but a sink of iniquity?” (De Gub. Dei, iii. 9).

“In our age the devil has so defiled everything that scarcely a thing is done without idolatry.”

“Do we wonder that God has granted all our lands to the barbarians, when they now purify by their chastity the places which the Romans had polluted with their debauchery?”

Pope Anastasius writes to Clovis: “Sedes Petri in tanta occasione non potest non laetari, cum plenitudinem gentium intuetur ad eam veloci gradu concurrere” (Bouquet, iv. 50).

“The noble people of the Franks, founded by God, converted to the Catholic faith, and free from heresy.”

“Vetati sunt a Spiritu sancto loqui verbum Dei in Asia . . . Tentabant ire in Bithyniam, et non permisit eos spiritus Jesu” (Acts xvi. 6, 7).

Innocent IV. wrote in 1246 to the Sicilians: “In omnem terram vestrae sonus tribulationis exivit . . . multis pro miro vehementi ducentibus, quod pressi tam dirae servitutis opprobrio, et personarum ac rerum gravati multiplici detrimento, neglexeritis habere concilium, per quod vobis, sicut gentibus caeteris, aliqua provenirent solatia libertatis . . . super hoc apud sedem apostolicam vos excusante formidine. . . . Cogitate itaque corde vigili, ut a collo vestrae servitutis catena decidat, et universitas vestra in libertatis et quietis gaudio reflorescat; sitque ubertate conspicuum, ita divina favente potentia secura sit libertate decorum” (Raynaldus, Ann. ad ann. 1246).

Burke’s Works, i. 391, 404.

The Rambler, March 1862.

Works, ii. 47. This is one of the passages which, seventy years ago, were declared to be treasonable. We trust we run no risk in confessing that we entirely agree with it.

Tocqueville, L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution, Préface, p. xvi.

“From what I have observed, it is pride, arrogance, and a spirit of domination, and not a bigoted spirit of religion, that has caused and kept up those oppressive statutes. I am sure I have known those who have oppressed Papists in their civil rights exceedingly indulgent to them in their religious ceremonies, and who really wished them to continue Catholics, in order to furnish pretences for oppression. These persons never saw a man (by converting) escape out of their power but with grudging and regret” (Burke, “On the Penal Laws against Irish Catholics,” Works, iv. 505).

“I vow to God, I would sooner bring myself to put a man to immediate death for opinions I disliked, and so to get rid of the man and his opinions at once, than to fret him into a feverish being tainted with the jail-distemper of a contagious servitude, to keep him above ground, an animated mass of putrefaction, corrupted himself, and corrupting all about him” (Speech at Bristol, ibid. iii. 427).

Home and Foreign Review, July 1862.

“Observations on the Conduct of the Minority,” Works, v. 112.

There are some remarkable thoughts on nationality in the State Papers of the Count de Maistre: “En premier lieu les nations sont quelque chose dans le monde, il n’est pas permis de les compter pour rien, de les affliger dans leurs convenances, dans leurs affections, dans leurs intérêts les plus chers. . . . Or le traité du 30 mai anéantit complétement la Savoie; il divise l’indivisible; il partage en trois portions une malheureuse nation de 400,000 hommes, une par la langue, une par la religion, une par le caractère, une par l’habitude invétérée, une enfin par les limites naturelles. . . . L’union des nations ne souffre pas de difficultés sur la carte géographique; mais dans la réalité, c’est autre chose; il y a des nations immiscibles. . . . Je lui parlai par occasion de l’esprit italien qui s’agite dans ce moment; il (Count Nesselrode) me répondit: ‘Oui, Monsieur; mais cet esprit est un grand mal, car il peut gêner les arrangements de l’Italie’ ” (Correspondance Diplomatique de J. de Maistre, ii. 7, 8, 21, 25). In the same year, 1815, Görres wrote: “In Italien wie allerwarts ist das Volk gewecht; es will etwas grossartiges, es will Ideen haben, die, wenn es sie auch nicht ganz begreift, doch einen freien unendlichen Gesichtskreis seiner Einbildung eröffnen. . . . Es ist reiner Naturtrieb, dass ein Volk, also scharf und deutlich in seine natürlichen Gränzen eingeschlossen, aus der Zerstreuung in die Einheit sich zu sammeln sucht” (Werke, ii. 20).

Considerations on Representative Government, p. 298.

Mill’s Considerations, p. 296.

“Le sentiment d’indépendance nationale est encore plus général et plus profondément gravé dans le cœur des peuples que l’amour d’une liberté constitutionnelle. Les nations les plus soumises au despotisme éprouvent ce sentiment avec autant de vivacité que les nations libres; les peuples les plus barbares le sentent même encore plus vivement que les nations policées” (L’Italie au Dixneuvième Siècle, p. 148, Paris, 1821).

Burke’s “Remarks on the Policy of the Allies” (Works, v. 26, 29, 30).

Œuvres, i. 593, 595, ii. 717. Bossuet, in a passage of great beauty on the love of country, does not attain to the political definition of the word: “La société humaine demande qu’on aime la terre où l’on habite ensemble, ou la regarde comme une mère et une nourrice commune. . . . Les hommes en effet se sentent liés par quelque chose de fort, lorsqu’ils songent, que la même terre qui les a portés et nourris étant vivants, les recevra dans son sein quand ils seront morts” (“Politique tirée de l’Ecriture Sainte,” Œuvres, x. 317).

The Rambler, November 1861.

Kirche und Kirchen, Munich, 1861 (“Papstum und Kirchenstaat”).

So late as 1791 Pius VI. wrote: “Discrimen intercedit inter homines, qui extra gremium Ecclesiae semper fuerunt, quales sunt Infideles atque Judaei, atque inter illos qui se Ecclesiae ipsi per susceptum baptismi sacramentum subjecerunt. Primi enim constringi ad catholicam obedientiam non debent, contra vero alteri sunt cogendi.” If this theory had, like that of the Protestants, been put in practice by the Government, it would have furnished the Protestants with an argument precisely similar to that by which the Catholics justified the severity they exercised towards them.

The works contained in Clark’s library of translations are chiefly of this school.

English Historical Review, 1890.

“Rome and the Catholic Episcopate. Reply of His Eminence Cardinal Wiseman to an Address presented by the Clergy, Secular and Regular, of the Archdiocese of Westminster, on Tuesday, the 5th of August 1862.” London: Burns and Lambert. (Home and Foreign Review, 1862.)

Home and Foreign Review, April 1864.

Lamennais, Correspondence, Nouvelle édition (Paris: Didier).

April 12 and June 25, 1830.

Feb. 27, 1831.

March 30, 1831.

May 8 and June 15, 1829.

Feb. 8, 1830.

Aug. 15, 1831.

Feb. 10, 1832.

July 6, 1829.

Sept. 15, 1832.

Oct. 9, 1832.

Jan. 25, 1833.

Feb. 5, 1833.

March 25, 1833.

Naturphilosophie, p. 115; Einleitung in die Philosophie, pp. 40, 54; Freiheit der Wissenschaft, pp. 4, 89; Athenäum, i. 17.

Athenäum, i. 92.

Freiheit der Wissenschaft, p. 32.

Athenäum, i. 167.

Einleitung, pp. 305, 317, 397.

Athenäum, i. 208.

Ibid. ii. 655.

Ibid. ii. 676.

Ibid. ii. 661.

Wiedervereinigung der Katholiken und Protestanten, pp. 26, 35.

Wiedervereinigung, pp. 8, 10.

Ibid. p. 15.

Ibid. p. 21.

Ibid. pp. 25, 26.

The prospectus of the Review contained these words: “It will abstain from direct theological discussion, as far as external circumstances will allow; and in dealing with those mixed questions into which theology indirectly enters, its aim will be to combine devotion to the Church with discrimination and candour in the treatment of her opponents; to reconcile freedom of inquiry with implicit faith, and to discountenance what is untenable and unreal, without forgetting the tenderness due to the weak, or the reverence rightly claimed for what is sacred. Submitting without reserve to infallible authority, it will encourage a habit of manly investigation on subjects of scientific interest.”

The North British Review, October 1870.

Fidem mihi datam non servatam fuisse queror. Acta supprimere, aut integra dare oportebat. He says also: Omnia ad nutum delegati Apostolici fiebant

Citra et contra singulorum suffragia, imo praeter et supra omnium vota pontificis solius declarationi atque sententiae validam vim atque irreformabilem adesse potestatem.

Nous restons dans les doctrines de Bossuet parce que nous les croyons généralement vraies; nous les défendons parce qu’elles sont attaquées, et qu’un parti puissant veut les faire condamner. Ces doctrines de l’épiscopat français, de l’école de Paris, de notre vieille Sorbonne, se ramènent pour nous à trois propositions, à trois vérités fondamentales: 1° l’Église est une monarchie efficacement tempérée d’aristocracie; 2° la souveraineté spirituelle est essentiellement composée de ces deux éléments quoique le second soit subordonné au premier; 3° le concours de ces éléments est nécessaire pour établir la règle absolue de la foi, c’est-à-dire, pour constituer l’acte par excellence de la souveraineté spirituelle.

Si hujus doctrinae memores fuissemus, haereticos scil cet non esse infirmandos vel convincendos ex Scripturis, meliore sane loco essent res nostrae; sed dum ostentandi ingenii et eruditionis gratia cum Luthero in certamen descenditur Scripturarum, excitatum est hoc, quod, proh dolor! nunc videmus, incendium (Pighius).

Catholici non admondum solliciti sunt de critica et hermeneutica biblica . . . Ipsi, ut verbo dicam, jam habent aedificium absolutum sane ac perfectum, in cujus possessione firme ac secure consistant.

Praxis Ecclesiae uno tempore interpretatur Scripturam uno modo et alio tempore alio modo, nam intellectus currit cum praxi. — Mutato judicio Ecclesiae mutatum est Dei judicium.

Si viri ecclesiastici, sive in concilio oecumenico congregati, sive seorsim scribentes, aliquod dogma vel unamquamque consuetudinem uno ore ac diserte testantur ex traditione divina haberi, sine dubio certum argumentum est, uti ita esse credamus. — Ex testimonio hujus solius Ecclesiae sumi potest certum argumentum ad probandas apostolicas traditiones (Bellarmine).

Veniae sive indulgentiae autoritate Scripturae nobis non innotuere, sed autoritate ecclesiae Romanae Romanorumque Pontificum, quae major est.

Ego, ut ingenue fatear, plus uni summo pontifici crederem, in his, quae fidei mysteria tangunt, quam mille Augustinis, Hieronymis, Gregoriis (Cornelius Mussus).

The two views contradict each other; but they are equally characteristic of the endeavour to emancipate the Church from the obligation of proof. Fénelon says: “Oseroit-on soutenir que l’Église après avoir mal raisonné sur tous les textes, et les avoir pris à contre-sens, est tout à coup saisie par un enthousiasme aveugle, pour juger bien, en raisonnant mal?” And Möhler: “Die ältesten ökumenischen Synoden führten daher für ihre dogmatischen Beschlüsse nicht einmal bestimmte biblische Stellen an; und die katholischen Theologen lehren mit allgemeiner Uebereinstimmung und ganz aus dem Geiste der Kirche heraus, dass selbst die biblische Beweisführung eines für untrüglich gehaltenen Beschlusses nicht untrüglich sei, sondern eben nur das ausgesprochene Dogma selbst.”

Cujuscumque ergo scientiae, etiam historiae ecclesiasticae conclusiones, Romanorum Pontificum infallibilitati adversantes, quo manifestius haec ex revelationis fontibus infertur, eo certius veluti totidem errores habendas esse consequitur.

Cum in professione fidei electi pontificis damnetur Honorius Papa, ideo quia pravis haereticorum assertionibus fomentum impendit, si verba delineata sint vere in autographo, nec ex notis apparere possit, quomodo huic vulneri medelam offerat, praestat non divulgari opus.

That article condemns the following proposition: “Romani Pontifices et Concilia oecumenica a limitibus suae potestati recesserunt, jura Principum usurparunt, atque etiam in rebus fidei et morum definiendis errarunt.”

J’en suis convaincu: à peine aurai-je touché la terre sacrée, à peine aurai-je baisé le tombeau des Apôtres, que je me sentirai dans la paix, hors de la bataille, au sein d’une assemblée présidée par un Père et composée de Frères. Là, tous les bruits expireront, toutes les ingérences téméraires cesseront, toutes les imprudences disparaîtront, les flots et les vents seront apaisés.

Vous admirez sans doute beaucoup l’évêque d’Orléans, mais vous l’admireriez bien plus encore, si vous pouviez vous figurer l’abime d’idolatrie où est tombé le clergé français. Cela dépasse tout ce que l’on aurait jamais pu l’imaginer aux jours de ma jeunesse, au temps de Frayssinous et de La Mennais. Le pauvre Mgr. Maret, pour avoir exposé des idées tres modérées dans un langage plein d’urbanité et de charité, est traité publiquement dans les journaux soi-disant religieux d’hérésiarque et d’apostat, par les derniers de nos curés. De tous les mystères que présente en si grand nombre l’histoire de l’Église je n’en connais pas qui égale ou dépasse cette transformation si prompte et si complète de la France Catholique en une basse-cour de l’anticamera du Vatican. J’en serais encore plus désesperé qu’humilié, si là, comme partout dans les régions illuminées par la foi, la miséricorde et l’esperance ne se laissaient entrevoir à travers les ténèbres. “C’est du Rhin aujourd’hui que nous vient la lumière.” L’Allemagne a été choisie pour opposer une digue à ce torrent de fanatisme servile que menaçait de tout englouter (Nov. 7, 1869).

Non solum ea quae ad scholas theologicas pertinent scholis relinquantur, sed etiam doctrinae quae a fidelibus pie tenentur et coluntur, sine gravi causa in codicem dogmatum ne inferantur. In specie ne Concilium declaret vel definiat infallibilitatem Summi Pontificis, a doctissimis et prudentissimis fidelibus Sanctae sedi intime addictis, vehementer optatur. Gravia enim mala exinde oritura timent tum fidelibus tum infidelibus. Fideles enim, qui Primatum magisterii et jurisdictionis in Summo Pontifice ultro agnoscunt, quorum pietas et obedientia erga Sanctam Sedem nullo certe tempore major fuit, corde turbarentur magis quam erigerentur, ac si nunc demum fundamentum Ecclesiae et verae doctrinae stabiliendum sit; infideles vero novam calumniarum et derisionum materiam lucrarentur. Neque desunt, qui ejusmodi definitionem logice impossibilem vocant. . . . Nostris diebus defensio veritatis ac religionis tum praesertim efficax et fructuosa est, si sacerdotes a lege caeterorum civium minus recedunt, sed communibus omnium juribus utuntur, ita ut vis defensionis sit in veritate interna non per tutelam externae exemtionis. . . . Praesertim Ecclesia se scientiarum, quae hominem ornant perficiuntque, amicam et patronam exhibeat, probe noscens, omne verum a Deo esse, et profunda ac seria literarum studia opitulari fidei.

Quid enim expedit damnare quae damnata jam sunt, quidve juvat errores proscribere quos novimus jam esse proscriptos? . . . Falsa sophistarum dogmata, veluti cineres a turbine venti evanuerunt, corrupuerunt, fateor, permultos, infecerunt genium saeculi hujus, sed numquid credendum est, corruptionis contaginem non contigisse, si ejusmodi errores decretorum anathemate prostrati fuissent? . . . Pro tuenda et tute servanda religione Catholica praeter gemitus et preces ad Deum aliud medium praesidiumque nobis datum non est nisi Catholica scientia, cum recta fide per omnia concors. Excolitur summopere apud heterodoxos fidei inimica scientia, excolatur ergo oportet et omni opere augeatur apud Catholicos vera scientia, Ecclesiae amica. . . . Obmutescere faciamus ora obtrectantium qui falso nobis imputare non desistunt, Catholicam Ecclesiam opprimere scientiam, et quemcumque liberum cogitandi modum ita cohibere, ut neque scientia, nec ulla alia animi libertas in ea subsistere vel florescere possit. . . . Propterea monstrandum hoc est, et scriptis et factis manifestandum, in Catholica Ecclesia veram pro populis esse libertatem, verum profectum, verum lumen, veramque prosperitatem.

Il n’y a au fond qu’une question devenue urgente et inévitable, dont la décision faciliterait le cours et la décision de toutes les autres, dont le retard paralyse tout. Sans cela rien n’est commencé ni même abordable (Univers, February 9).

Gratry had written: “Cette apologétique sans franchise est l’une des causes de notre décadence religieuse depuis des siècles. . . . Sommes-nous les prédicateurs du mensonge ou les apôtres de la vérité? Le temps n’est-il pas venu de rejeter avec dégoût les fraudes, les interpolations, et les mutilations que les menteurs et les faussaires, nos plus cruels ennemis, ont pu introduire parmi nous?” The bishop wrote: “Jamais parole plus puissante, inspirée par la conscience et le savoir, n’est arrivée plus à propos que la vôtre. . . . Le mal est tel et le danger si effrayant que le silence deviendrait de la complicité.”

Pace eruditissimorum virorum dictum esto: mihi haecce nec veritati congrua esse videntur, nec caritati. Non veritati; verum quidem est Protestantes gravissimam commisisse culpam, dum spreta et insuperhabita divina Ecclesiae auctoritate, aeternas et immutabiles fidei veritates subjectivae rationis judicio et arbitrio subjecissent. Hoc superbiae humanae fomentum gravissimis certe malis, rationalismo, criticismo, etc. occasionem dedit. Ast hoc quoque respectu dici debet, protestantismi ejus qui cum eodem in nexu existit rationalismi germen saeculo xvi. praeextitisse in sic dicto humanismo et classicismo, quem in sanctuario ipso quidam summae auctoritatis viri incauto consilio fovebant et nutriebant; et nisi hoc germen praeextitisset concipi non posset quomodo tam parva scintilla tantum in medio Europae excitare potuisset incendium, ut illud ad hodiernum usque diem restingui non potuerit. Accedit et illud: fidei et religionis, Ecclesiae et omnis auctoritatis contemptum absque ulla cum Protestantismo cognatione et parentela in medio Catholicae gentis saeculo xviii. temporibus Voltarii et encyclopaedistarum enatum fuisse. . . . Quidquid interim sit de rationalismo, puto venerabilem deputationem omnino falli dum texendo genealogiam naturalismi, materialismi, pantheismi, atheismi, etc., omnes omnino hos errores foetus Protestantismi esse asserit. . . . Errores superius enumerati non tantum nobis verum et ipsis Protestantibus horrori sunt et abominationi, ut adeo Ecclesiae et nobis Catholicis in iis oppugnandis et refellendis auxilio sint et adjumento. Ita Leibnitius erat certe vir eruditus et omni sub respectu praestans; vir in dijudicandis Ecclesiae Catholicae institutis aequus; vir in debellandis sui temporis erroribus strenuus; vir in revehenda inter Christianas communitates concordia optime animatus et meritus. [Loud cries of “Oh! Oh!” The President de Angelis rang the bell and said, “Non est hicce locus laudandi Protestantes.”] . . . Hos viros quorum magna copia existit in Germania, in Anglia, item et in America septentrionali, magna hominum turba inter Protestantes sequitur, quibus omnibus applicari potest illud magni Augustini: “Errant, sed bona fide errant; haeretici sunt, sed illi nos haereticos tenent. Ipsi errorem non invenerunt, sed a perversis et in errorem inductis parentibus haereditaverunt, parati errorem deponere quamprimum convicti fuerint.” [Here there was a long interruption and ringing of the bell, with cries of “Shame! shame!” “Down with the heretic!”] Hi omnes etiamsi non spectent ad Ecclesiae corpus, spectant tamen ad ejus animam, et de muneribus Redemptionis aliquatenus participant. Hi omnes in amore quo erga Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum feruntur, atque in illis positivis veritatibus quas ex fidei naufragio salvarunt, totidem gratiae divinae momenta possident, quibus misericordia Dei utetur, ut eos ad priscam fidem et Ecclesiam reducat, nisi nos exaggerationibus nostris et improvidis charitatis ipsis debitae laesionibus tempus misericordiae divinae elongaverimus. Quantum autem ad charitatem, ei certe contrarium est vulnera aliena alio fine tangere quam ut ipsa sanentur; puto autem hac enumeratione errorum, quibus Protestantismus occasionem dedisset, id non fieri. . . . Decreto, quod in supplementum ordinis interioris nobis nuper communicatum est, statuitur res in Concilio hocce suffragiorum majoritate decidendas fore. Contra hoc principium, quod omnem praecedentium Conciliorum praxim funditus evertit, multi episcopi reclamarunt, quin tamen aliquod responsum obtinuerint. Responsum autem in re tanti momenti dari debuisset clarum, perspicuum et omnis ambiguitatis expers. Hoc ad summas Concilii hujus calamitates spectat, nam hoc certe et praesenti generationi et posteris praebebit ansam dicendi: huic concilio libertatem et veritatem defuisse. Ego ipse convictus sum, aeternam ac immutabilem fidei et traditionis regulam semper fuisse semperque mansuram communem, adminus moraliter unanimem consensum. Concilium, quod hac regula insuperhabita, fidei et morum dogmata majoritate numerica definire intenderet, juxta meam intimam convictionem eo ipso excideret jure conscientiam orbis Catholici sub sanctione vitae ac mortis aeternae obligandi.

Dum autem ipse die hesterno ex suggestu hanc quaestionem posuissem et verba de consensu moraliter unanimi in rebus fidei definiendis necessario protulissem, interruptus fui, mihique inter maximum tumultum et graves comminationes possibilitas sermonis continuandi adempta est. Atque haec gravissima sane circumstantia magis adhuc comprobat necessitatem habendi responsi, quod clarum sit omnisque ambiguitatis expers. Peto itaque humillime, ut hujusmodi responsum in proxima congregatione generali detur. Nisi enim haec fierent anceps haererem an manere possem in Concilio, ubi libertas Episcoporum ita opprimitur, quemadmodum heri in me oppressa fuit, et ubi dogmata fidei definirentur novo et in Ecclesia Dei adusque inaudito modo.

Quoniam vero satis non est, haereticam pravitatem devitare, nisi ii quoque errores diligenter fugiantur, qui ad illam plus minusve accedunt, omnes officii monemus, servandi etiam Constitutiones et Decreta quibus pravae eiusmodi opiniones, quae isthic diserte non enumerantur, ab hac Sancta Sede proscriptae et prohibitae sunt.

In the speech on infallibility which he prepared, but never delivered, Archbishop Kenrick thus expressed himself: “Inter alia quae mihi stuporem injecerunt dixit Westmonasteriensis, nos additamento facto sub finem Decreti de Fide, tertia Sessione lati, ipsam Pontificiam Infallibilitatem, saltem implicite, jam agnovisse, nec ab ea recedere nunc nobis licere. Si bene intellexerim Rm Relatorem, qui in Congregatione generali hoc additamentum, prius oblatum, deinde abstractum, nobis mirantibus quid rei esset, illud iterum inopinato commendavit — dixit, verbis clarioribus, per illud nullam omnino doctrinam edoceri; sed eam quatuor capitibus ex quibus istud decretum compositum est imponi tanquam eis coronidem convenientem; eamque disciplinarem magis quam doctrinalem characterem habere. Aut deceptus est ipse, si vera dixit Westmonasteriensis; aut nos sciens in errorem induxit, quod de viro tam ingenuo minime supponere licet. Utcumque fuerit, ejus declarationi fidentes, plures suffragia sua isti decreto haud deneganda censuerunt ob istam clausulam; aliis, inter quos egomet, dolcs parari metuentibus, et aliorum voluntati hac in re aegre cedentibus. In his omnibus non est mens mea aliquem ex Reverendissimis Patribus malae fidei incusare; quos omnes, ut par est, veneratione debita prosequor. Sed extra concilium adesse dicuntur viri religiosi — forsan et pii — qui maxime in illud influunt; qui calliditati potius quam bonis artibus confisi, rem Ecclesiae in maximum ex quo orta sit discrimen adduxerunt; qui ab inito concilio effececunt ut in Deputationes conciliares ii soli eligerentur qui eorum placitis fovere aut noscerentur aut crederentur; qui nonnullorum ex eorum praedecessoribus vestigia prementes in schematibus nobis propositis, et ex eorum officina prodeuntibus, nihil magis cordi habuisse videntur quam Episcopalem auctoritatem deprimere, Pontificiam autem extollere; et verborum ambagibus incautos decipere velle videntur, dum alia ab aliis in eorum explicationem dicantur. Isti grave hoc incendium in Ecclesia excitarunt, et in illud insufflare non desinunt, scriptis eorum, pietatis speciem prae se ferentibus sed veritate ejus vacuis, in populos spargentibus.

The author of the protest afterwards gave the substance of his argument as follows: “Episcopi et theologi publice a Parlamento interrogati fuerunt, utrum Catholici Angliae tenerent Papam posse definitiones relativas ad fidem et mores populis imponere absque omni consensu expresso vel tacito Ecclesiae. Omnes Episcopi et theologi responderunt Catholicos hoc non tenere. Hisce responsionibus confisum Parlamentum Angliae Catholicos admisit ad participationem iurium civilium. Quis Protestantibus persuadebit Catholicos contra honorem et bonam fidem non agere, qui quando agebatur de iuribus sibi acquirendis publice professi sunt ad fidem Catholicam non pertinere doctrinam infallibilitatis Romani Pontificis, statim autem ac obtinuerint quod volebant, a professione publice facta recedunt et contrarium affirmant?”

Archbishop Kenrick’s remarkable statement is not reproduced accurately in his pamphlet De Pontificia infallibilitate. It is given in full in the last pages of the Observationes, and is abridged in his Concio habenda sed non habita, where he concludes: “Eam fidei doctrinam esse neganti, non video quomodo responderi possit, cum objiceret Ecclesiam errorem contra fidem divinitus revelatam diu tolerare non potuisse, quin, aut quod ad fidei depositum pertineret non scivisse, aut errorem manifestum tolerasse videretur.”

Certissimum ipsi esse fore ut infallibilitate ista dogmatice definita, in dioecesi sua, in qua ne vestigium quidem traditionis de infallibilitate S. P. hucusque inveniatur, et in aliis regionibus multi, et quidem non solum minoris, sed etiam optimae notae, a fide deficiant. — Si edatur, omnis progressus conversionum in Provinciis Foederatis Americae funditus extinguetur. Episcopi et sacerdotes in disputationibus cum Protestantibus quid respondere possent non haberent. — Per eiusmodi definitionem acatholicis, inter quos haud pauci iique optimi hisce praesertim temporibus firmum fidei fundamentum desiderant, ad Ecclesiam reditus redditur difficilis, imo impossibilis.—Qui Concilii decretis obsequi vellent, invenient se maximis in difficultatibus versari. Gubernia civilia eos tanquam subditos minus fidos, haud sine verisimilitudinis specie, habebunt. Hostes Ecclesiae eos lacessere non verebuntur, nunc eis objicientes errores quos Pontifices aut docuisse, aut sua agendi ratione probasse, dicuntur et risu excipient responsa quae sola afferri possint. — Eo ipso definitur in globo quidquid per diplomata apostolica huc usque definitum est. . . . Poterit, admissa tali definitione, statuere de dominio temporali, de eius mensura, de potestate deponendi reges, de usu coercendi haereticos. — Doctrina de Infallibilitate Romani Pontificis nec in Scriptura Sacra, nec in traditione ecclesiastica fundata mihi videtur. Immo contrariam, ni fallor, Christiana antiquitas tenuit doctrinam. — Modus dicendi Schematis supponit existere in Ecclesia duplicem infallibilitatem, ipsius Ecclesiae et Romani Pontificis, quod est absurdum et inauditum.—Subterfugiis quibus theologi non pauci in Honorii causa usi sunt, derisui me exponerem. Sophismata adhibere et munere episcopali et natura rei, quae in timore Domini pertractanda est, indignum mihi videtur. — Plerique textus quibus eam comprobant etiam melioris notae theologi, quos Ultramontanos vocant, mutilati sunt, falsificati, interpolati, circumtruncati, spurii, in sensum alienum detorti. — Asserere audeo eam sententiam, ut in schemate jacet, non esse fidei doctrinam, nec talem devenire posse per quamcumque definitionem etiam conciliarem.

This, at least, was the discouraging impression of Archbishop Kenrick: Semper contigit ut Patres surgendo assensum sententiae deputationis praebuerint. Primo quidem die suffragiorum, cum quaestio esset de tertia parte primae emendationis, nondum adhibita indicatione a subsecretario, deinde semper facta, plures surrexerunt adeo ut necesse foret numerum surgentium capere, ut constaret de suffragiis. Magna deinde confusio exorta est, et ista emendatio, quamvis majore forsan numero sic acceptata, in crastinum diem dilata est. Postero die Rms Relator ex ambone Patres monuit, deputationem emendationem istam admittere nolle. Omnes fere eam rejiciendam surgendo statim dixerunt.

Quodcumque Dominus Noster non dixerit etiam si metaphysice aut physice certissimum nunquam basis esse poterit dogmatis divinae fidei. Fides enim per auditum, auditus autem non per scientiam sed per verba Christi. . . . Non ipsa verba S. Scripturae igitur, sed genuinus sensus, sive litteralis, sive metaphoricus, prout in mente Dei revelantis fuit, atque ab Ecclesiae patribus semper atque ubique concorditer expositus, et quem nos omnes juramento sequi abstringimur, hic tantummodo sensus Vera Dei revelatio dicendus est. . . . Tota antiquitas silet vel contraria est. . . . Verbum Dei volo et hoc solum, quaeso et quidem indubitatum, ut dogma fiat.

Hanc de infallibilitate his conditionibus ortam et isto modo introductam aggredi et definire non possumus, ut arbitror, quin eo ipso tristem viam sternamus tum cavillationibus impiorum, tum etiam objectionibus moralem hujus Concilii auctoritatem minuentibus. Et hoc quidem eo magis cavendum est, quod jam prostent et pervulgentur scripta et acta quae vim ejus et rationem labefactare attentant; ita ut nedum animos sedare queat et quae pacis sunt afferre, e contra nova dissensionis et discordiarum semina inter Christianos spargere videatur. . . . Porro, quod in tantis Ecclesiae angustiis laboranti mundo remedium affertur? Iis omnibus qui ab humero indocili excutiunt onera antiquitus imposita, et consuetudine Patrum veneranda, novum ideoque grave et odiosum onus imponi postulant schematis auctores. Eos omnes qui infirmae fidei sunt novo et non satis opportuno dogmate quasi obruunt, doctrina scilicet hucusque nondum definita, praesentis discussionis vulnere nonnihil sauciata, et a Concilio cujus libertatem minus aequo apparere plurimi autumant et dicunt pronuntianda. . . . Mundus aut aeger est aut perit, non quod ignorat veritatem vel veritatis doctores, sed quod ab ea refugit eamque sibi non vult imperari. Igitur, si eam respuit, quum a toto docentis Ecclesiae corpore, id est ab 800 episcopis per totum orbem sparsis et simul cum S. Pontifice infallibilibus praedicatur, quanto magis quum ab unico Doctore infallibili, et quidem ut tali recenter declarato praedicabitur? Ex altera parte, ut valeat et efficaciter agat auctoritas necesse est non tantum eam affirmari, sed insuper admitti. . . . Syllabus totam Europam pervasit at cui malo mederi potuit etiam ubi tanquam oraculum infallibile susceptus est? Duo tantum restabant regna in quibus religio florebat, non de facto tantum, sed et de jure dominans: Austria scilicet et Hispania. Atqui in his duobus regnis ruit iste Catholicus ordo, quamvis ab infallibili auctoritate commendatus, imo forsan saltem in Austria eo praecise quod ab hac commendatus. Audeamus igitur res uti sunt considerare. Nedum Sanctissimi Pontificis independens infallibilitas praejudicia et objectiones destruat quae permultos a fide avertunt, ea potius auget et aggravat. . . . Nemo non videt si politicae gnarus, quae semina dissensionum schema nostrum contineat et quibus periculis exponatur ipsa temporalis Sanctae sedis potestas.

Espérons que l’excès du mal provoquera le retour du bien. Ce Concile n’aura eu qu’un heureux résultat, celui d’en appeler un autre, réuni dans la liberté. . . . Le Concile du Vatican demeurera stérile, comme tout ce qui n’est pas éclos sous le souffle de l’Esprit Saint. Cependant il aura révélé non seulement jusqu’à quel point l’absolutisme peut abuser des meilleures institutions et des meilleurs instincts, mais aussi ce que vaut encore le droit, alors même qu’il n’a plus que le petit nombre pour le deféndre. . . . Si la multitude passe quand même nous lui prédisons qu’elle n’ira pas loin. Les Spartiates, qui étaient tombés aux Thermopyles pour défendre les terres de la liberté, avaient preparé au flot impitoyable au despotisme la défaite de Salamis.

English Historical Review, 1888.

English Historical Review, 1889.

English Historical Review, 1895.

[Dr. Ellicott.]