Ix.—: Future Policy of the Tories, Duke of Wellington.

The following extracts from the speeches of the principal Tories, delivered during the two last sessions of parliament, will serve to illustrate their foreign and domestic policy—its agreement with the policy of the late Ministers, and the measures supported by the Reform Parliament. We shall begin with extracts from the speeches of the

Independence of Belgium.—“As to the negociations, he had no difficulty in saying that, from the moment the present government took charge of them, they might be said to have abandoned the cause of the King of the Netherlands: and that was an act peculiarly reprehensible in a British minister at any time, and especially in times like the present; but it was the business of a British minister to pay every attentive care to the interests of the Dutch nation. In the progress of negociations like those, it was impossible to imagine a greater blunder than the recognition of the independence of Belgium. As soon as the case of Holland was abandoned by the British ministers, the British ministers were abandoned by three other powers; and in proof of it he might mention, that the plenipotentiaries of the three other powers were not authorized to give their approbation to the treaty of January, 1832. He would confirm that statement by what passed at the time of the ratification; for he had in his pocket a memorandum upon the subject, which would clearly prove that England and France were the powers which pushed the measure forward, while Russia, Prussia, and Austria, did not join in the attempt.”—Feb. 5, 1833.

Toleration of Missionaries.—“With respect to the resolutions which related to the moral improvement of the negro, he had an amendment to propose—namely, to omit the words “A liberal and comprehensive system of education.” No man could be more desirous than he was, that when the negro became free he should receive every moral improvement which could be communicated to him; but those who were aware that the words in question were introduced into the resolutions on the proposition of an honourable member of the other House, were aware that they pointed to the toleration and encouragement of missionaries; and there could be no doubt, if they were adopted, society in the West Indies would continue to be, as it had been, greatly disturbed.”—June 25, 1833.

East India Company’s Trade.—“From what he had then, and from what he had since seen, he must say that he thought the government of the East India Company was the best and most purely administered that he had ever witnessed. It was not now a question whether a chartered government was the best for carrying on the double operations of trade and government, or for carrying on only one of these things. He had seen the company in the days of their glory, and when it was at the head of a population of one hundred millions; and notwithstanding it had been engaged almost continually in wars, its debt was only forty millions sterling. It was, therefore, untrue to tell the people of this country that such a government was unfit for the purposes of government and trade, when hitherto it had united both.”—July 5, 1833.

Reform Bill.—“I should wish to ask the noble lord (Earl Grey) how any ministry will hereafter be able to conduct the king’s government with a parliament such as will be returned by this Bill?”

Irish Church Temporalities’ Bill.—“The great object on all these occasions was to support the Protestant religion in Ireland. Now, if the present measure were passed, they would be contented to pass from that principle entirely. How was it consistent for Parliament with the Act of Union, which declared the two churches to be united, fresh in remembrance—to pass such a measure as this? Besides, his majesty positively swore to support the Church of England in all its rights, privileges, and immunities. He did not quote the precise words, but the meaning of the oath evidently was that his majesty was thereby bound to maintain the Protestant Church in its full powers.”—July 11, 1833.

Debate on the Address.—“He had opposed the measure regarding the West India colonies from the commencement, for he thought he foresaw great injury from it to the interests of the country, and he should be happy to find he had been misinformed and deceived on this subject.” * * “A change takes place in the government of Spain, in consequence of the will of the late king; till then the undisputed successor, Don Carlos, retires into Portugal, and thus the war is encouraged and kept up. This state of things would not continue if we were on terms of amity with Don Miguel.” * * “A measure was brought forward last session—the municipal commission; he was bound to say that it was well worthy of their lordships’ consideration, to pause and reflect ere they proceeded upon reports (i. e. those of the commissioners), when strong doubts were entertained of the legality of the commission under whose authority they were formed. But setting this consideration aside, he would make one observation which he was desirous emphatically to utter. He doubted, much doubted, whether it would be expedient to establish a new municipal constitution on the ten pound franchise. He considered such to be impracticable: and he even thought that ministers themselves could not have that confidence in the ten pound householders as to delegate to them so great and so important a trust.”—Feb. 4, 1834.

Cambridge Petition.—“Who and what were the Dissenters? Many of them differed but little except in one or two points of doctrine from the established church; others of them did not agree with the church of England in any one point; others denied the Trinity; and others were Atheists: and would it, he asked, be desirable to place such persons in a situation to inflict injury upon the established church? * * He could not consider it to be the business of either house of parliament to interfere with the rules and regulations of other bodies, and those such corporate bodies as our universities.”—March 21, 1834.

Admission of Dissenters into the Universities.—“When Dissenters would have gotten degrees they would in time become governors; they would hold the education of the people in their hands, and would instantly supersede the constitution which at present governed the universities. He would not then enter into the consequences which would inevitably result if such a measure were adopted, which God forbid. The consequences would be most disastrous. The connexion between church and state would be destroyed—the religion of the country would be menaced, nay, the very existence of Christianity itself.”—April 20, 1834.

The Irish Church Commission.—“Was the Church Temporalities Bill, he asked, intended to be a final one? Every thing was done by that measure which could possibly be effective to reduce the property of the church to the very lowest rate.”—June 6, 1834.

Principle of Free Trade.—“They had heard a great deal of free trade in other countries, but in his opinion there was no such thing as a free trade at all. He therefore would be favourable to such an increase of duty on foreign silks as to give a change to the home market.”—June 17, 1834.

The Irish Coercion Bill.—“It had been stated as a reason for abandoning the former bill, that though it might pass that house it would not pass in another place. In this opinion he could not agree, as he was satisfied that no government possessed the confidence of that other house in a greater degree than did the late administration (that of Early Grey), and he was equally satisfied that notwithstanding the late resignations, the present government (that of Lord Melbourne), possessed at this moment the same confidence there as when it was assisted by the talents and character of the noble earl on the opposite side.”—July 29, 1834.