Chap. VIII. (3)

The conclusion of the whole book, with a declaration of the author’s design, and a caution both to the ill and well affected readers.

THESE my remarks upon the three premised parts of the true political maxims of the republick of Holland and West-Friesland, happening to be made publick, tho’ very imperfect, under the title of The interest of Holland in the year 1662;The whole concluded with this affirmation, and afterwards in the years 1667 and 1668, being more carefully perused, and more maturely deliberated upon, the reader ought to be forewarned, that sometimes the affairs of those respective years ought to be adverted to in the reading. And that my intent was, both in general and particular, to shew briefly wherein the interest of Holland consists, viz. That as in all countries of the world, the highest perfection of a political society, and in a land by accident labouring under taxes, and naturally indigent, as Holland is; there is an absolute necessity that the commonalty be left in as great a natural liberty for seeking the welfare of their souls and bodies, and for the improvement of their estates, as possible. For as the inhabitants of the most plentiful country upon earth, by want only of that natural liberty, and finding themselves every way encumber’d and perplexed, do really inhabit a bridewel or house of correction, fit for none but miserable condemned slaves, and consequently a hell upon earth.That Holland’s interest consists in the freedom of all its inhabitants. Whereas a power of using their natural rights and properties for their own safety, provided it tends not to the destruction of the society, will be to the commonalty, tho’ in a barren and indigent country, an earthly paradise: for the liberty of a man’s own mind, especially about matters wherein all his welfare consists, is to such a one as acceptable as an empire or kingdom.

That this interest agrees well with that of the rulers.I have likewise shewn, that such a liberty and prosperity of the subject does very well consist in Holland with the present uncontroled power of the free government, and with none other.

So that all good patriots and true lovers of our native country, who peruse this book, are earnestly intreated to consider deliberately whether the two most weighty points before mentioned, are not strongly and sufficiently demonstrated.

But whether, when, and how the particulars here treated of, may all at once, or at several times, be set about or perused, was not my intention in the least to direct.The author’s aim was not to prescribe any thing to the rulers as a pattern. For the higher powers, whom it only concerns in a republick to conclude of these matters, and all politicians know that such things as may be borne with less inconvenience than removed or changed, ought to continue, and remain in being. And when such wise and good patriots will make any alteration, they must go by degrees, and as far as they conveniently may; yet they must rather stand still, or remain as they are, than run their heads against a wall.

For that would be worthy of a severe punishment.And indeed reformation in political affairs depends on so many, and such various circumstances, namely customs, times, places, rulers, subjects, allies, neighbouring and foreign countries, that such a reformation is either proper, or improper to be undertaken, according as the several circumstances are well weighed, such especially in a free republic which is governed and managed by prudent assemblies of the states, venerable city councils, and reputable colleges;Especially in this country, where are so many sage and prudent rulers. in which it would be a great presumption and self-conceit, yea, indeed a crime for a private person to dare to conclude any thing, and in so doing to arrogate it to himself, or to put a hand to that work, which properly and of right belongs only to the states of Holland, and those that are thereunto authorized.

If any man should object by way of reply, that throughout the whole book I use no doubtful proposals, but positive reasonings, and a conclusive cogent way of argument: I answer, that all matters which not only consist in knowing something, but also and chiefly in desiring or opposing any thing, and which moreover thwarts the prejudices and interests of many men, neither can, nor ought to be otherwise handled. For if an angel from heaven should propose to mankind such matters doubtfully and faintly, he would have but little audience upon earth, and gain no credit by people that have imbibed such prejudices beforehand. So that being desirous of having what I write of such matters to be read with consideration, and maturely weighed, and to make some impression on the reader, I have been necessitated to use this manner of writing. And therefore I find myself likewise obliged at the end of this book, when I I presume all hath been read, and duly weighed, to declare thus much, and to give this caution, that the same may be made use of for the good, and not for the hurt of our native country.

I shall add, that such a circumspect censure of the readers is the more requisite, because I shall have done much, if in proposing matters which relate to the prosperity of Holland my judgment hath in the general been rightly directed: for it would be incredible, and almost above human power, not to have err’d and mistaken in proposing and relating so many several particular matters. But since notwithstanding my aim hath been to set nothing before you but truth, which might tend to the benefit of my native country, I hope I have not always strayed, and run into mistakes. God grant that in the judgment of my several readers, and especially those of the lawful magistracy, and true fathers of their country, I may have come so near the mark in many things, that my errors, which in such a case I renounce, may be so overlooked by them, as they may commend my laudable zeal, and be excited to greater matters themselves, or may employ others that have more ability and leisure; that by such countenance and favour they may be encouraged to write something necessary for the service of their native country, and that more amply, methodically, and solidly than I have done. If this be effected, I have my principal end and design.

But in case any reader be so ill minded, though neither willing nor able to effect such a commendable work himself, as to oppose and despise what I have here laid down; let him remember, that I desire nothing of him but to judge of mine and other writings with consideration and circumspection; and that I shall be far from such foolish ambition as to write an answer which would neither be serviceable to my country, the reader, nor myself: for I intend to follow this perpetual maxim during my short and transitory life, to make no man master of my time and repose but myself, and particularly never to grant or yield so much to any ill-designing person, as for their sakes to fall into troublesome, contentious and unprofitable scribling. For whether my errors be truly discovered, or peevishly and falsely laid to my charge, the several readers must be the judges.

Farewel, and remember this saying, It is the duty of a good citizen, to preserve and defend the common freedom of his native country, as far as in him lies.

Nonumque prematur in annum. Hor.

Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audientior ito. Virg.

Si violandum est jus, regnandi causa violandum est. Eurip.

The reader will perceive, that not only the general histories of Holland, have been consulted in this work, but also all the private memoirs and other pieces which contain any authentic account of the transactions mentioned therein.

Wiquefort, lib iii. iv. Le Clerc. Histoire des Provincies, unies lib. 13. De la Neuville lib. x.

Lion Retabli par Aitzma, p. 85.

The Reader will find passages relating to this matter in several parts of the book, but particularly in the preface, and in the 3d chapter of the third part.

Histoire de la vie et de la mort des deux illustres freres Corneille & Jean de Witt, Vol. I. p. 231

Ibid. p. 24.

The proof of this may be met with, p. 391, where our author discourses of the rise of that war, and of its detriment to the states.

Aitzma, lib. 33. p. 787. col. 1.

Le Clerc, vol. II. p. 330 Memoirs de C. and J. de Witt.

Memoires de Montbas, p. 39.

Clarendon’s history of the rebellion, book 13. Le Clerc, vol. II. p. 331.

Histoire de C. and J. de Witt, vol. I. p. 80.

Aitzma, lib. 33. p. 837. Le Clerc, de la Neuville, &c.

These particulars are chiefly collected from the secret resolutions of the states-general during the administration of de Witt, which have been likewise consulted by Aitzma, whom most of the other historians constantly copy.

These facts may be found in the memoirs of the de Witts, so often cited, together with the declaration of Van Beverning, which is very curious.

Aitzma, lib. 35. and in the history of the de Witts. Cur author himself has touched upon it, p. 225.

Histoire de C. and J. de Witt, vol. I. p. 141.

Aitzma, lib. 36, p. 1251, seq.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, Vol. I. p. 185. where we have the pensionary’s speech at length.

This is to be found in the same book, p. 249.

Aitzma, lib. 43.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, vol. I. p. 273, 281.

Aitzma lib. xliv. and d’Estrades Letters in the year 1664.

Aitzma, lib. xlv.

Le Clerc vol. iii. p. 82. col. 2.

De la Neuville, lib. xii. c. 10.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt. p. 374. This is also taken notice of in the second Volume of the lives of the Admirals.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, p.383.

Aitzma lib. xliv. d’Estrade’s letters in the year 1665.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, p. 419.

Ibid. p. 422.

As to this alliance, the reader may consult Sir William Temple’s letters, and Le Clerc, vol. 3. p. 101.

De la Neuville, lib. 12. c. 11.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, vol. 1. p. 459.

This entire relation is placed at the head of the second volume of the history of the de Witts.

See count D’Estrade’s letter to the French king, dated Aug, 12, 1666, and the pensionary de Witt’s letters on that subject.

Aitzma, lib. 46. p. 839. Yet his death was steadily opposed by the province of Zealand.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, vol. 2. p. 71.

Basnage, Le Clerc, De la Neuville.

Kennet’s history of England, Burnet, Basnage, &c.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, vol. II. p. 81.

He embarked on June 6, 1667, and as he represented the sovereignty of the states, extraordinary honours were paid him, which served to heighten the envy of the enemies of the de Witts.

Basnage, Le Clerc, De la Neuville.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, where all these particulars are largely insisted upon; and we have a particular account of the poems and panegyrics composed on this occasion in Vol. II. p. 185.

De la Neuville, Lib. xii.

D’Estrade’s and Temple’s Letters, Basnage, Le Clerc. &c.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, Vol. II. p. 202.

Basnage, Le Clerc, &c.

See Temple’s memoirs, Burnet, and the Examen.

Le Clerc. Vol. III. p. 221.

Temple’s letters, Kennet, Burnet, &c.

Of which, with great reason, he took the honour to himself, and by this step exposed himself to the hatred of the French.

To shew that this alliance had made a coalition of parties.

A proof that it was his temper to excel in every thing.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt. Vol. II. p. 256.

This present was no less a sum than 100,000 guilders, and the method taken by the pensionary to decline it was very singular; he engaged the deputies of his own town of Dort to oppose it, and thus he avoided the envy which must have attended such a present, and the vanity that would have appeared in a personal refusal of it.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, Vol. II. p. 270.

Puffendorf. Rerum Brand. Lib. XI. Basnage, Le Clerc, &c. See also Temple’s Letters, and the first Volume of Burnet’s History of his own Times.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, Vol. II. p. 309.

See Temple’s Memoirs, Burnet, Kennet, &c.

Temple’s Letters, Reresby’s Memoirs, and the Examen by Roger North Esq;

Temple’s Letters, Basnage, Le Clerc, &c.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, Vol. II. p. 339.

This account of the parties in Holland is drawn from a comparison of the several general histories, particular memoirs and collections of state papers relating to those times, especially that printed at Doornick in 1674.

See Vol. III. of the compleat history of England, by bishop Kennet; bishop Parker’s memoirs of his own times, Burnet, Echard, but above all Temple’s memoirs and letters.

It is reported, that king Charles was represented at the feet of de Witt, if so, it was undoubtedly a glaring instance of folly, but of whose folly? Why of those who now pull’d it down, and who, at the time they erected it, were just as mad as when they tore it to pieces.

There was one Bornelagh another of the assassins, who was not only allowed to keep his place of post-master at the Hague, but had the reversion of it given to his son. LeClerc, Vol. III. p. 289.

Histoire de Corneille & John de Witt, Vol. II. p. 449.

LeClerc, Tom. III. p. 291.

This is the judgment of all impartial historians, who unanimously agree, that this step was taken on purpose to countenance the out cry of the people, and at the same time to mortify the De Witts.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt, Vol. II. p. 472.

See Basnage, Le Clerc, De la Newville, Brand’s life of de Ruyter, &c.

See xi and xii Chap. of part II. and compare them with xiii. xiv. and xv. Chapters.

Histoire de Corneille & Jean de Witt. See also the memoirs of the count de Mountbas, published at Cologne.

This William Tichlaer, a barber-surgeon, was a very infamous fellow. Some time before this, he had turned away Cornelia Pleunen his maid-servant, and instead of her wages gave her a bill for bleeding, tooth-drawing, &c. which he swore to, and so got off. The wench, in her passion, said he was a perjur’d villain, and had cheated her of her wages. Upon this, Tichlaer brought his action before the Ruard van Putten, for his loss of reputation. But the jury or Leen-mannen as the Dutch call them, found for the defendant, being convinced, they said, she spoke nothing more than truth.

Upon the oath of this single and most worthy witness, Cornelius de Witt, who made so great a figure in the state, and had just gained a victory over the French and English fleets, was put to the torture; and while the hangman did his office, the Ruard repeated the third ode of the third book of Horace, which so surpriz’d his judges, that they went away, and left him with the fiscal and executioners, not able to endure the sight of a man they were about to injure still farther.

This is the sentence transcrib’d, and it is very remarkable, that those who punish him do not declare him guilty, even in their own opinions.

All that Tichlaer offer’d on the other side was, that he had been injured, that the court which condemn’d him was partial, the jury perjured and himself, notwithstanding what all the world said, an honest man.

We are told in the Dutch relations of this tragedy, that a person of too great quality for the keeper to dispute with, came in the morning, and after a short interview with Cornelius de Witt, ordered the jaylor, as if it were at the prisoner’s request, to go and bring, by all means, his father and brother to see him. As soon as M. Cornelius de Witt saw his brother, he cried out, why came you here? and the pensionary, understanding he had not sent for him, foresaw his own and his brother’s fate, who lay on the bed crippled by the torture.

The magistrates applied early enough for assistance, to the prince of Orange, beseeching him to come to their aid, or at least to send them troops. The answer they received was, that his presence was necessary in the camp, and that for troops they could not be spared. All this, and the authorities on which the facts are reported, the reader may find in Le Cierc, Tom. III. p. 300—308.

It is easy to discern this was a tumult under direction, for 1. The guard was chang’d. 2. The mob were headed by Van Ban chem, then a magistrate. 3. Tho’ the ringleaders were so well known, they were never punished.

The circumstances of this inhuman butchery have been very particularly recorded. It has been especially observed, that one Henry Verhoof a gold-smith cut open their bodies like a butcher, took out both their hearts, carried them to a public house to feast the enemies of the de Witts with the fight, and afterwards kept them a long time by him.

Basnage, Le Clerc, dela Neuville, &c.

Histoire de C. & J. de Witt, Vol. II. p. 541.

Ibid. p. 547.

Ibid p. 547.

Histoire de Guillaume III Tom. II. p. 421.

Burnet’s History of his own times, Vol. I. p. 364, where the author says, that he had this from the mouth of the prince of Orange, who acknowledged, that he owed his perfect knowledge of the affairs of Holland to the discourses and instructions of John de Witt.

Histoire de Guillaume III, Tom. II. p. 413.

See Sir William Temple’s letters and memoirs.

See his Observations upon the United Provinces, p. 160

Belisario magistro militum per orientem, &c. Interea vero fi aliquas civitates seu Castella per limites constituta providerit tua magnitudo nimiæ esse magnitudinis, & propter hoc nox posse bene custodiri ad talem modum ea construi disponat, ut possint per paucos bene servari, &c. Cod. l. 1. Tit. 27. par. 14.

Quippe ubi libertas, ibi & populus & divitiæ.

A morgen is about two English acres.

Which were transported beyond the seas, and dealt in by the East-countrypeople.

Res facile iisdem artibus retinentur quibus initio partæ sunt.

Res facile iisdem artibus retinentur quibus initio partæ sunt.

Omnia dabant, ne decimam darent. Grot. Hist.

Omnia datis, & ne quidem liberatis umbram retinetis.

Tanquam Cæsaris præsidem ejus provinciæ. Annal. Dousæ

Quia favor aut odium in judice plus valet quam optima lex in codice.

Oderunt peccare mali (quales omnes natura sumus) formidine pœnæ.

Quem commoda, eum incommoda sequantur.

Secundum naturam est commoda cujusque rei eum sequi, quem sequentur incommoda.

Qui non habet in ære, luat in pelle.

Læsæ majestatis reos.

Nemo repentè fit pessimus, aut fuit turpissimus.

Qu’il n’y a chere, que de gens a l’arriere.

Desperatio facit militem aut monachum.

Divitem suisse duplex paupertas.

Res dura, & regni novitas me talia cogunt, &c. Virg.

Libertatis enim interest ne magna imperia diuturna sint.

Dat veniam Corvis vexat censura Columbis.

Tibi Roma subegerit orbem.

Princeps insurgere paulatim, munia senatus, magistratuum, legum in se trahere, nullo adversante: cum ferocissimi per acies, aut proscriptione cecidissent. Cæteri nobilium quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus & honoribus extollerentur: ac novis ex rebus aucti, tuta & presentia, quam vetera & periculosa mallent. Tacit. Annal. l. 1. c. 1.

Crescit interea Roma Albæ ruinis. Liv.

Occulta est Batavæ quædam vis infita terræ.

Una salus sanis nullam potare salutem.

Pace dubia bellum potius.

Bellum pace dubia pejus, & malorum omnium pessimum.

Bonis nocet quisquis pepercerit malis: & malum quod quis impedire potuit, nec impedit, fecisse videtur; veterem ferendo injuriam invitas novam.

Qui sibi vere amicus est, hunc omnibus scito amicum.

Lepidum caput sed cerebrum non habes.

Pax licet interdum est, pacis fiducia nunquam.

Es nec edad real, dar a reyes.

Idem velle idem nosse, ea demum firma amicitia est. Ter.

Al pigliar pronto, al pagar taido; perche puo nascer inconveniente che non si paghi niente.

Præstat prevenire quam preveniri. Il fait bon estre maistre, car on est tousjours valet quand on veut.

Pupillus pati posse non intelligitur. Dig. l. 40. tit. 17. Reg. Jur. 110.

Imperator maris, terræ dominus.

Cui adhæreo præest.

Leo revinciri liber pernegat.

Servire auriacis famulis, dominisque Philippis, Dic mihi conditio durior utra fuit?

Timeo Danaos, & dona serentes.

Concordia res parvæ crescunt, discordia maxime dilabuntur.

Nulla fides pietasq; viris qui castra sequuntur.

Inter arma silent leges. Parum tuta est sine viribus [Editor: illegible text] Liv.

Cæsares timere & odisse proprium esse ecclesiæ.

Quod si regum, atque imperatorum animi virtus in pace ita ut in bello valeret, æquabilius atque constantius sese res humanæ haberent, neque aliud alio ferri, mutari, & misceri omnia cerneres. Sallust.

Decreverat ex urbe Gandavo oppidulum facere. Rerum Austriac. p 45.

Multa facere non oportet quæ facta tenent. Multa scire pauca exequi.

Boni civis est liberum reipublicæ statum tueri[Editor: illegible character] nec cum mutatum velle.