Book 4

The following are contained in the fourteenth of the books of Diodorus. The overthrow of the democracy at Athens and the establishment of the Thirty Men. The lawless conduct of the Thirty Men against the citizens. How Dionysius the tyrant, after building a citadel, divided the city and the land among the multitude. How Dionysius, when his tyranny was being dissolved, unexpectedly recovered it. How the Lacedaemonians ordered the affairs of Greece. The death of Alcibiades, and the tyranny of Clearchus the Laconian at Byzantium and its overthrow. How Lysander the Lacedaemonian, attempting to abolish the kings descended from Heracles, failed. How Dionysius reduced Catane and Naxos to slavery and removed the Leontines to Syracuse. The founding of Halaesa in Sicily. The war of the Lacedaemonians against the Eleians. How Dionysius built the wall by the Hexapyla. How Cyrus, marching against his brother, was slain. How the Lacedaemonians came to the aid of the Greeks in Asia. The founding of Adranum in Sicily, and the death of Socrates the philosopher. The building of the wall about the Chersonese. The preparation of Dionysius for the war against Carthage and his manufacture of arms, in the course of which the catapult missile was invented. How war broke out between the Carthaginians and Dionysius. How Dionysius took by siege Motye, a notable city of the Carthaginians. How the Aegestaeans burned the camp of Dionysius. How the Carthaginians, having crossed over to Sicily with three hundred thousand men, made war upon Dionysius. The withdrawal of Dionysius to Syracuse. The expedition of the Carthaginians to the strait, and the capture of Messene. A great sea-battle of the Carthaginians against Dionysius, and the victory of the Carthaginians. The plundering of the temples of Demeter and Core by the Carthaginians. The punishment from the gods upon the temple-robbers, and the destruction of the Carthaginian force by a pestilential plague. A sea-battle of the Syracusans against the Carthaginians and the victory of the Syracusans. The public speech of Theodorus concerning liberty. How Dionysius, by outgeneralling the thousand most turbulent mercenaries, brought it about that they were cut down. How Dionysius laid siege to the strongholds and the camp of the Carthaginians. How Dionysius, having stormed the Carthaginians, burned many of the enemy's ships. The defeat of the Carthaginians by land and by sea at once. The flight of the Carthaginians by night, Dionysius secretly aiding them, unknown to the Syracusans, for four hundred talents. The misfortunes that befell the Carthaginians on account of their impiety toward the divine. The resettlement of the cities in Sicily that had been laid waste. How Dionysius, of the Sicilian cities, took some by siege and brought others into alliance. How he concluded friendship with the rulers Agyris the Agyrinaean and Nicodemus the Centoripine. How Agesilaus the king of the Spartans crossed over into Asia with an army and laid waste the country subject to the Persians. How Agesilaus conquered the Persians in battle under the command of Pharnabazus. Concerning the Boeotian War and what was done in it. How Conon, appointed general by the Persians, rebuilt the walls of the Athenians. How the Lacedaemonians conquered the Boeotians near Corinth, and this war was called the Corinthian. How Dionysius, having broken into Tauromenium amid many dangers, was driven out. How the Carthaginians were defeated by Dionysius near the city of Bacaena. The expedition of the Carthaginians into Sicily and the conclusion of the war. How Thibron the Lacedaemonian, being general, was defeated by the Persians and slain. How Dionysius besieged Rhegium. How the Greeks of Italy, uniting into a single state, took the field against Dionysius. How Dionysius, having won the battle and taken ten thousand prisoners, released them without ransom and granted the cities their independence. The capture and razing of Caulonia and Hipponium and their removal to Syracuse. How the Greeks made the Peace of Antalcidas with Artaxerxes. The capture of Rhegium and the disasters that befell the city. The capture of Rome by the Gauls, except for the Capitol.

1.1. It is likely that all men hear with displeasure the slanders spoken against them; for even those whose own wickedness is so manifest in every respect that they cannot deny it nevertheless grow indignant when they meet with censure and try to bring forward arguments against the accusation. Therefore one must by every means guard against doing anything base, all men, but most of all those who reach out for positions of leadership or who have come to share in some conspicuous fortune; 1.2. for the life of such men, being open to view because of its eminence, is in everything unable to conceal its own want of judgement; so let no one of those who have attained any pre-eminence hope, if he commits great wrongs, to pass to the end unrebuked. For even if in his own lifetime he should escape the reckoning that comes from rebuke, let him expect that afterward the truth will come upon him, proclaiming with frankness the things long passed over in silence. 1.3. It is a hard thing, then, for base men to leave behind to later generations, after their own death, as it were an undying image of their whole life; for even if, as some of the philosophers babble, the things after death are nothing to us, nevertheless the life that has gone before becomes far the worse for being remembered through all eternity for evil. Of these things clear examples may be taken by those who read the several events contained in this book. 2.1. For among the Athenians thirty tyrants arose who through their own greed both involved their fatherland in great disasters and themselves, quickly losing their power, left behind an undying reproach against themselves; while the Lacedaemonians, having acquired the undisputed leadership of Greece, were then deprived of it when they undertook to perform unjust deeds against their allies. For the supremacy of leaders is preserved by goodwill and justice, but is dissolved by acts of injustice and by the hatred of their subjects. 2.2. In like manner also Dionysius the tyrant of the Syracusans, although he became the most fortunate of rulers, yet while he lived never ceased to be plotted against, and through fear was compelled to wear an iron breastplate beneath his tunic; and when he died he left his own life behind as the greatest example for slander through all eternity. 2.3. But concerning these matters we shall record each in its proper time more clearly; now we shall turn to what follows upon what has already been narrated, defining only the chronology. 2.4. In the books before this one we recorded the events from the capture of Troy down to the dissolution both of the Peloponnesian War and of the Athenian supremacy, traversing seven hundred and seventy-nine years; in this book, continuing the connected narrative, we shall begin with the establishment of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, and shall end with the capture of Rome by the Gauls, embracing eighteen years. 3.1. There being anarchy at Athens because of the dissolution of its supremacy, it was the seven hundred and eightieth year after the capture of Troy, and at Rome four military tribunes succeeded to the consular office, Gaius Fulvius, Gaius Servilius, Gaius Valerius, and Numerius Fabius; and in this year the ninety-fourth Olympiad was celebrated, in which Corcinas the Larissaean was victor. 3.2. About these times the Athenians, worn down by war, made a treaty with the Lacedaemonians, by the terms of which they were to tear down the walls of the city and to use their ancestral constitution. And the walls they did pull down, but over the constitution they fell into dispute with one another. 3.3. For those who reached out for oligarchy said that the ancient order ought to be renewed, under which a very few presided over the whole; while the majority, being lovers of democracy, brought forward the constitution of their fathers, and declared this to be by common agreement a democracy. 3.4. A dispute about these matters arising for some days, those who favoured oligarchy sent envoys to Lysander the Spartan—for he, when the war was concluded, had been dispatched to order the affairs of the cities, and oligarchies were being established in most of them—hoping, as was reasonable, that he would join in supporting their undertaking. They sailed therefore to Samos; for there Lysander happened to be staying, having lately taken the city. 3.5. When they urged him to cooperate, he gave his consent, and appointed Thorax the Spartan as harmost of Samos, while he himself with a hundred ships sailed to the Piraeus. There, calling an assembly, he advised the Athenians to choose thirty men who should preside over the constitution and administer all the affairs of the city. 3.6. When Theramenes spoke against this and read aloud the treaty, in which it had been agreed that they should use their ancestral constitution, and said that it was a terrible thing if contrary to their oaths they were to be deprived of their freedom, Lysander declared that the treaty had been broken by the Athenians; for they had torn down the walls later than the days agreed upon. He also held over Theramenes the gravest threats, saying he would kill him if he did not cease opposing the Lacedaemonians. 3.7. Therefore Theramenes and the people, struck with dismay, were compelled by show of hands to abolish the democracy. So thirty men were chosen who should administer the common affairs of the city, in name magistrates, but in their actions tyrants. 4.1. The people, seeing the fairness of Theramenes and thinking that by his good character the greed of those in power would to some extent be held in check, elected him too among the thirty rulers. The men chosen were required both to establish a council and the other magistracies, and to draw up the laws by which they intended to govern. 4.2. Now the matters concerning the legislation they kept putting off, always providing plausible excuses, but the council and the other offices they filled from their own friends, so that these were called magistrates but were in fact the servants of the Thirty. And at first, handing over to trial the most wicked men in the city, they condemned them to death; and up to this point what was being done was pleasing to the most fair-minded of the citizens. 4.3. After this, wishing to act more violently and lawlessly, they asked the Lacedaemonians for a garrison, saying that they would establish a constitution advantageous to them. For they knew that they could not carry out murders without foreign arms; for all would cling to the common safety. 4.4. When the Lacedaemonians had sent a garrison and Callibius to command it, the Thirty courted the garrison commander with gifts and other kindnesses, and selecting from among the wealthy those who suited their purpose they arrested them as revolutionaries, and putting them to death confiscated their properties. 4.5. When Theramenes opposed his colleagues and, together with those who clung to the common safety, threatened to defend himself, the Thirty assembled the council. Critias, presiding over them and accusing Theramenes at length of betraying this constitution of which he himself was a willing partner, Theramenes took up the discourse and, defending himself on each point, won over the whole council to goodwill. 4.6. But Critias and his party, fearing the man lest he should ever overthrow the oligarchy, set around soldiers with drawn swords and seized Theramenes. 4.7. He, anticipating them, leaped up to the Hestia of the council, and said that he was taking refuge with the gods, not because he thought to be saved, but eager to fasten upon those who would slay him the guilt of impiety toward the gods. 5.1. When the servants came forward and dragged him away, Theramenes bore his misfortune nobly, inasmuch as he had shared in philosophy to a considerable degree with Socrates, while the rest of the multitude pitied Theramenes in his ill fortune, yet did not dare to help him, since many men stood about with arms. 5.2. But Socrates the philosopher and two of his intimates ran up and attempted to hinder the servants. Theramenes, however, asked them to do none of these things; for he said that he praised their friendship and their courage, but that it would be the greatest calamity for himself if he should be the cause of death to men so kindly disposed toward him. 5.3. So Socrates and his companions, having no other helper and seeing the violence of the men in power increasing, kept quiet. And those to whom it had been ordered dragged Theramenes from the altars and hauled him through the middle of the market-place to his death; 5.4. and the multitude, terrified by the arms of the garrison, grieved with the unfortunate man, and wept both at his misfortune and at their own slavery; for each of the lowly, seeing the virtue of Theramenes so insulted, concluded that their own weakness would be expended without any account. 5.5. After his death the Thirty, selecting the wealthy, cast false charges upon them, and murdering them plundered their properties. They put to death also Niceratus, the son of Nicias who had been general against the Syracusans, a man fair and humane toward all, and in wealth and reputation almost first of all the Athenians; 5.6. wherefore it came to pass that every household grieved together at the man's death, the memory of his fairness leading them to tears. But the tyrants did not cease from their lawlessness; nay, much rather, as their madness took on increase, they slaughtered sixty of the wealthiest of the foreigners, that they might gain control of their money, while of the citizens, who were being put to death day by day, those well provided in their means almost all fled from the city. 5.7. They put to death also Autolycus, a man of free speech, and in general they picked out the most refined. To such a degree did they ruin the city that more than half of the Athenians fled. 6.1. The Lacedaemonians, seeing the city of the Athenians brought low, and never wishing the Athenians to grow strong, rejoiced and made their disposition manifest; for they voted that the Athenian exiles should be liable to seizure for the Thirty out of all Greece, and that whoever should hinder this should be liable to a fine of five talents. 6.2. The decree being a terrible one, the other cities, struck with dread at the weight of the Spartans, obeyed; but the Argives first, hating the cruelty of the Lacedaemonians and pitying the fortunes of the luckless, received the exiles humanely. 6.3. The Thebans also voted that there should be a penalty for him who saw an exile being led away and did not help to the best of his ability. Such, then, was the state of affairs concerning the Athenians.

7.1. In Sicily Dionysius the tyrant of the Sicilians, since he had made peace with the Carthaginians, set his mind rather upon the security of his tyranny; for he supposed that the Syracusans, being released from the war, would have leisure to recover their freedom. 7.2. Observing that the Island of the city was very strong and could easily be guarded, he walled this off from the rest of the city with a costly wall, and built into it high and close-set towers, and before it market-buildings and porticoes able to receive a multitude of people. 7.3. He built within it also a citadel costly and fortified for sudden refuges, and enclosed within its wall the dockyards by the little harbour called Laccius; these dockyards, holding sixty triremes, had a gate that could be shut, through which the ships sailed in one at a time. 7.4. Of the land he picked out the best and bestowed it upon his friends and upon those appointed to commands, while the rest he divided equally between foreigner and citizen, including under the name of citizens the freed slaves, whom he called neo-politai. 7.5. He distributed the houses also among the multitude, except those on the Island; these he gave to his friends and to the mercenaries. And when he thought he had arranged the affairs of his tyranny well, he led his force out against the Sicels, eager to bring all the independent peoples under himself, but most of all these, because they had earlier been allied with the Carthaginians. 7.6. He, then, marching against the city of the Herbessini, made preparations for the siege. But the Syracusans serving with him, being in control of their arms, formed combinations and accused one another, because they had not joined the cavalry in the overthrow of the tyrant. The commander appointed by Dionysius over the soldiers at first threatened one of those speaking freely, and when that man answered back boldly, came on as though to strike him. 7.7. Provoked at this, the soldiers killed the prefect, Doricus by name, and crying to the citizens to win freedom, they sent for the cavalry from Aetna; for these, having been driven out at the beginning of the tyranny, were dwelling in that stronghold. 8.1. Dionysius, struck with dismay at the revolt of the Syracusans, broke off the siege and hastened to Syracuse, eager to seize the city. When he had fled away, those who had made the revolt chose as generals the men who had killed the prefect, and taking the cavalry from Aetna encamped against the tyrant in the place called Epipolae, and shut him off from his exit into the countryside. 8.2. Immediately too they sent envoys to the Messenians and the Rhegians, asking them to help by sea in the cause of freedom; for these cities were accustomed at that time to man no fewer than eighty triremes. These the cities then dispatched to the Syracusans, eager to share in the cause of freedom. 8.3. They proclaimed also a sum of money to those who should slay the tyrant, and promised those of the mercenaries who came over a share in the citizenship. They constructed also engines, with which by shaking the walls they would breach them, and they assaulted the Island day by day, and received humanely those of the mercenaries who came over. 8.4. Dionysius, shut off from his exit into the country and being abandoned by the mercenaries, gathered his friends to take counsel about the present circumstances; for the affairs of his dominion were so utterly despaired of that he no longer sought how he might subdue the Syracusans, but what kind of death he might endure so as not to make the dissolution of his rule wholly inglorious. 8.5. Heloris then, one of his friends—or, as some say, his adopted father—said to him that the tyranny was a fine winding-sheet; while Polyxenus the brother-in-law declared that he ought to take the swiftest horse and ride into the territory of the Carthaginians to the Campanians; for Himilcon had left these behind to guard the regions in Sicily. But Philistus, who afterward composed the histories, contradicting Polyxenus, said that it was fitting not to gallop out of the tyranny on a running horse, but to be dragged out by the leg. 8.6. Heeding him, Dionysius decided to endure anything rather than abandon his rule willingly. Therefore, sending envoys to the rebels, he begged them to grant him leave to depart from the city with his own people, while privately he sent word to the Campanians and agreed to give them whatever money they should ask for the relief of the siege. 9.1. These things being done, the Syracusans, having given the tyrant leave to sail away with five ships, became more careless, and dismissed the cavalry as being of no use for the siege, while most of the infantry went out into the countryside, as if the tyranny were already dissolved. 9.2. The Campanians, elated by the promises, first came to Agyrium; there, depositing their baggage with Agyris the ruler of the city, they set out for Syracuse light-armed, being in number twelve hundred horsemen. 9.3. Having quickly accomplished the journey, they appeared unexpectedly to the Syracusans, and slaying many of them forced their way through to Dionysius. There sailed in also three hundred mercenaries to the tyrant at the same time, so that he revived in his hopes. 9.4. The Syracusans, as the dominion grew strong again, fell into faction with one another, some declaring that they should stay and press the siege, others that they should break up the camp and abandon the city. 9.5. Dionysius, perceiving this, led his force out against them, and falling upon them while they were in confusion easily routed them near the place called Nea Polis. Now not many were slain; for Dionysius, riding among them, forbade the killing of those who fled; and the Syracusans at once scattered through the country, but a little later gathered with the cavalry at Aetna, more than seven thousand. 9.6. Dionysius, having buried those of the Syracusans who had fallen, sent envoys to Aetna, asking the exiles to come to terms and to dwell in their fatherland, giving a pledge that he would bear them no grudge. 9.7. Some, then, who had left behind children and wives, were compelled to be persuaded by what was urged; but the rest, when the envoys put forward the kindness of Dionysius in burying the fallen, said that he deserved to obtain the like favour, and prayed the gods that he might very speedily see it himself. 9.8. These men, then, being unwilling in any way to trust the tyrant, remained at Aetna, watching for an opportunity against him; but Dionysius treated the exiles who had returned humanely, wishing to encourage the others also to return to their fatherland, and the Campanians, having honoured them with fitting gifts, he sent out of the city, suspecting their unreliability. 9.9. These, marching to Entella and persuading those in the city to take them as fellow-settlers, attacked them by night, slaughtered the men of military age, married the wives of those whom they had treated treacherously, and held the city.

10.1. In Greece the Lacedaemonians, having brought the Peloponnesian War to an end, held the acknowledged supremacy both by land and by sea. Appointing Lysander admiral, they instructed him to go about the cities, setting up in each what they called harmosts; for the Lacedaemonians, being offended at democracies, wished the cities to be governed through oligarchies. 10.2. They also imposed tributes upon those they had subdued, and though in the time before they had used no coinage, they now collected from the tribute more than a thousand talents a year. When they had ordered the affairs of Greece according to their own judgement, they sent Aristus, a man of distinction, to Syracuse, in word pretending to dissolve the dominion, but in truth eager to strengthen the tyranny; for they hoped that by helping to establish the rule they would have Dionysius obedient to them because of the benefits. 10.3. Aristus, having sailed to Syracuse and conversed secretly with the tyrant about these matters, while stirring up the Syracusans and promising to restore their freedom, slew Nicoteles the Corinthian, who was leading the Syracusans, and by betraying those who had trusted him made the tyrant strong, while through this deed he brought disgrace upon both himself and his fatherland. 10.4. Dionysius, having sent the Syracusans out to the harvest, went over the houses and took the arms from all, and after this built another wall about the citadel, and constructed ships, and gathered a multitude of mercenaries, and made the other preparations for the security of the tyranny, inasmuch as he had already learned by the events themselves that the Syracusans would endure anything for the sake of not being slaves. 11.1. While these things were being done, Pharnabazus the satrap of King Darius, having seized Alcibiades the Athenian, put him to death, wishing to gratify the Lacedaemonians. But since Ephorus has written that he was plotted against for other causes, I think it not without use to set down the plot against Alcibiades as it has been handed down by that historian. 11.2. For he says, in his seventeenth book, that Cyrus and the Lacedaemonians were secretly preparing to make war together against Artaxerxes his brother, and that Alcibiades, perceiving through certain persons the purpose of Cyrus, came to Pharnabazus and explained these things in detail, and asked him to give him a guide for the journey up to Artaxerxes; for he wished to be the first to make known the plot to the King. 11.3. But Pharnabazus, hearing his words, appropriated the report and sent trusty men to declare these things to the King. And when Pharnabazus would not give him those who would escort him to the royal court, Alcibiades, he says, set out for the satrap of Paphlagonia, that he might make the journey up through him; but Pharnabazus, fearing that the King would hear the truth about these things, sent after him men to slay Alcibiades on the road. 11.4. These, finding him lodged in a certain village of Phrygia, by night set a quantity of wood around it; and when much fire had been kindled, Alcibiades attempted to defend himself, but overpowered by the fire and by those hurling javelins at him, he died. 11.5. About the same time Democritus the philosopher also died, having lived ninety years. And Lasthenes the Theban, who had won this Olympiad, is said to have run a race against a race-horse and to have won; and the course was from Coronea to the city of the Thebans. 11.6. In Italy, the Romans garrisoning the city of Erruca, a city of the Volsci, the enemy, attacking, both took the city and slew most of the garrison. 12.1. The events of this year being ended, at Athens the archon was Euclides, and at Rome four military tribunes succeeded to the consular office, Publius Cornelius, Numerius Fabius, Lucius Valerius. 12.2. These having taken over the office, the Byzantines, being in faction with one another and having a war against the Thracians dwelling near them, were faring badly; and being unable to find a release from their strife with one another, they asked the Lacedaemonians for a general. The Spartans, then, sent out Clearchus to set in order the affairs of the city; 12.3. but he, having been entrusted with everything and having gathered many mercenaries, was no longer protector but tyrant. And at first, calling the magistrates of the city to a certain sacrifice, he slew them; after this, there being anarchy in the city, he seized thirty of the men called the foremost Byzantines, and putting a cord about them strangled them; and appropriating the properties of all who had been destroyed, he picked out also the well-to-do among the rest, and casting false charges upon them put some to death and banished others. And having gained control of much money and gathered a multitude of mercenaries, he made his dominion secure. 12.4. When the cruelty and the power of the tyrant became notorious, the Lacedaemonians at first sent envoys to him to persuade him to lay aside his dominion; but when he paid no heed to their demands, they sent a force against him and as general Panthoidas. 12.5. Perceiving his approach, Clearchus transferred his force to Selymbria, being master also of this city; for, having committed many wrongs against the Byzantines, he supposed he would have as enemies not only the Lacedaemonians but also those in the city. 12.6. Therefore, judging that from Selymbria he would carry on the war more safely, he removed thither both his money and his force. And when he learned that the Lacedaemonians were near, he went out to meet them, and near the place called the Ford joined battle with the troops of Panthoidas. 12.7. The struggle lasting a long time, and the Lacedaemonians fighting brilliantly, the tyrant's men were destroyed. Clearchus at first, shut up with a few in Selymbria, was besieged; after this, taking fright, he fled by night and sailed across to Ionia; there, coming into familiarity with Cyrus the King's brother, he was appointed to command forces. 12.8. For Cyrus, having been designated ruler of the satrapies on the sea and being full of high spirit, was planning to march against his brother Artaxerxes. 12.9. Seeing, then, that Clearchus had daring and a ready boldness, he gave him money and ordered him to enlist as many mercenaries as possible, thinking he would have a serviceable fellow-fighter for the deeds he was daring. 13.1. Lysander the Spartan, when he had ordered all the cities subject to the Lacedaemonians according to the judgement of the ephors, establishing in some decarchies and in others oligarchies, was looked up to at Sparta. For, having brought the Peloponnesian War to an end, he had invested his fatherland with the acknowledged supremacy both by land and by sea. 13.2. Therefore, being high-spirited over these things, he planned to abolish the kingship of the Heracleidae and to make the choice of the kings common to all Spartans; for he hoped that the rule would very speedily come to himself, because he had accomplished the greatest and finest deeds. 13.3. Observing that the Lacedaemonians paid the closest attention to oracles, he attempted to corrupt with money the prophetess at Delphi; for he thought that, if he should get an oracle as an ally to his own designs, he would easily bring his purpose to fulfilment. 13.4. But when, promising very large sums to those who were about the oracle, he could not persuade them, he addressed words on the same matters to the priestesses about the oracle at Dodona, through a certain Pherecrates, an Apolloniate by race, who had familiarity with those who were about the shrine. 13.5. Being able to accomplish nothing, he travelled abroad to Cyrene, under pretext of paying his vows to Ammon, but in truth wishing to corrupt the oracle; and he brought a quantity of money with which he hoped to persuade those about the shrine. 13.6. For the king of the regions about those places was a Libyan, his father's guest-friend, and the brother of Lysander happened to be named Libys from the friendship with that man. 13.7. Hoping, then, through this man and the money he brought to prevail, he not only failed of his undertaking, but those in charge of the oracle even sent along envoys to accuse Lysander concerning the corruption of the oracle. Lysander, on coming to Lacedaemon, when a trial was set before him, made a plausible defence on his own behalf. 13.8. At that time, then, the Lacedaemonians knew nothing of Lysander's purpose to abolish the kings descended from Heracles; but after some time, when he had died and certain documents were being sought in his house, they found a speech elaborately composed, which he had prepared for the multitude, to persuade them that the kings should be chosen from all the citizens.

14.1. Dionysius the tyrant of the Syracusans, when he had made peace with the Carthaginians and had been freed from the factions in the city, was eager to bring over the neighbouring cities of the Chalcidians; 14.2. these were Naxos, Catane, and Leontini. These he desired to master because they bordered on Syracuse and offered many advantages for the increase of his dominion. First, then, encamping against Aetna, he took the stronghold, the exiles being no match for so great a force; 14.3. after this, marching against Leontini, he encamped near the city beside the river Terias. And at first, drawing up his force, he sent a herald to the Leontines, ordering them to surrender the city and thinking to terrify those within; 14.4. but when the Leontines paid no heed, but had made all their preparations for the siege, Dionysius, having no engines, gave up the siege for the present, and ravaged the whole country. 14.5. Thence he marched against the Sicels, pretending to take up war against them so that the Cataneans and Naxians might become more careless about the guarding of their city. 14.6. While spending time about Enna, he persuaded Aeimnestus the Ennaean to set up a tyranny, promising to assist him in his design. 14.7. But when that man had mastered his undertaking and did not bring Dionysius into the city, Dionysius, enraged, changed about and called upon the Ennaeans to overthrow the tyrant. They running together into the market-place with their arms and laying claim to freedom, the city was full of confusion. 14.8. Dionysius, learning of the faction, took up the light-armed and quickly broke into the city through some deserted spot, and seizing Aeimnestus handed him over to the Ennaeans for punishment, while doing them no harm he departed from the city. This he did not so much from concern for justice as wishing to incline the other cities to trust him. 15.1. Thence, marching off, he attempted to ravage the city of the Herbitaeans; but accomplishing nothing he made peace with them, and led his force against Catane; for Arcesilaus, being general of the Cataneans, undertook to betray the city to him. Therefore, having been admitted by this man about midnight, he became master of Catane. Taking the arms from the citizens, he set a sufficient garrison in it. 15.2. After this Procles, the leader of the Naxians, persuaded by the greatness of the promises, surrendered his fatherland to Dionysius; who, having paid the rewards to the betrayer and granted him his kinsmen as a favour, sold the city's people into slavery, gave up their possessions to the soldiers to plunder, and razed the walls and the houses. 15.3. Treating the Cataneans likewise, he sold the prisoners as booty at Syracuse. The territory of the Naxians he gave to the Sicels who bordered upon it, while to the Campanians he gave the city of the Cataneans for a dwelling-place. 15.4. After this, marching against Leontini with his whole force, he encamped about the city, and sending envoys to those within, he ordered them to surrender the city and to share in the citizenship at Syracuse. The Leontines, expecting no help and reckoning up the disasters of the Naxians and Cataneans, were struck with terror, fearing lest they fall into the same misfortunes. Therefore, yielding to the occasion, they agreed, and abandoning the city removed to Syracuse. 16.1. Archonides, the overseer of Herbita, when the people of the Herbitaeans had made peace with Dionysius, planned to found a city. For he had many mercenaries and a mixed multitude which had flocked into the city during the war against Dionysius; and many also of the poor Herbitaeans promised to share with him in the colony. 16.2. Taking up the multitude that had gathered, then, he seized one of the hills eight stades distant from the sea, on which he founded the city Halaesa; and since there were other cities of the same name in Sicily, he called it Archonidium after himself. 16.3. In later times, when the city received great increase both through its commerce from the sea and through the exemption from taxes granted by the Romans, the Halaesini disavowed their kinship with the Herbitaeans, deeming it shameful to be reckoned colonists of a meaner city. 16.4. Nevertheless, even to the present day there remain among both peoples many ties of kinship, and they conduct the sacrifices at the Apollonium with the same rites. Some, however, say that Halaesa was founded by the Carthaginians, at the time when Himilcon made peace with Dionysius. 16.5. In Italy a war arose for the Romans against the Veientes for the following causes. Then for the first time the Romans voted to give money to the soldiers each year for their provisions. They also took by siege the city of the Volsci, which then was called Anxor, but now is named Tarracina. 17.1. The annual period having passed, at Athens Micion held office, and at Rome three military tribunes received the consular authority, Titus Quinctius, Gaius Julius, and Aulus Mamilus. When these had taken up their offices, the inhabitants of Oropus, falling into faction with one another, banished some of the citizens. 17.2. The exiles for a while attempted by themselves to return, but being unable to bring their purpose to fulfilment, they persuaded the Thebans to send a force along with them. 17.3. The Thebans, marching against the Oropians and mastering the city, removed them about seven stades from the sea, and for some time allowed them to govern themselves; but after this, having given them citizenship, they made the country Boeotian. 17.4. While these things were being done, the Lacedaemonians brought many other charges against the Eleians, but above all that they had hindered Agis their king from sacrificing to the god, and that they had not allowed the Lacedaemonians to compete at the Olympic games. 17.5. Therefore, deciding to carry war against them, they sent ten envoys, first ordering them to allow the surrounding cities to be independent, and then demanding the expenses of the war against the Athenians according to the share that fell to the Eleians. 17.6. This they did seeking plausible pretexts and persuasive grounds for war. When the Eleians paid no heed, but even brought the further charge that they were enslaving the Greeks, they sent against them Pausanias, one of the two kings, with four thousand soldiers. 17.7. There accompanied him also many soldiers from almost all the allies except the Boeotians and Corinthians; for these, being displeased with what the Lacedaemonians were doing, did not share in the expedition against Elis. 17.8. Pausanias, then, invading Elis by way of Arcadia, immediately took the stronghold Lasion at the first assault, and after this, leading his army through Acroreia, brought over four cities, Thraestus, Halium, Epitalium, and Opus. 17.9. Thence, encamping against Pylus, he immediately took this place too, which is distant from Elis about seventy stades. After this, marching against Elis itself, he encamped on the hills beyond the river. The Eleians had a little before received from the Aetolians a thousand chosen men as allies, to whom they had given the area about the gymnasium to guard. 17.10. When Pausanias first attempted to besiege this place contemptuously, as though the Eleians would never dare to come out, suddenly both the Aetolians and many of the citizens, pouring out of the city, struck the Lacedaemonians with dismay, and laid low about thirty of them. 17.11. Pausanias then broke off the siege, but after this, seeing that the capture was laborious, he went about plundering and ravaging the country, which was sacred, and gathered abundant spoils. 17.12. As winter was already drawing near, he fortified strongholds in Elis and left a sufficient force in them, while he himself with the remaining army wintered at Dyme.

18.1. In Sicily Dionysius the tyrant of the Sicilians, since the affairs of his dominion were proceeding according to his wish, was planning to carry war against the Carthaginians; but not yet being sufficiently provided in his preparations, he kept this purpose hidden, while he set in order what was useful against the coming dangers. 18.2. Knowing, then, that during the Attic War the city had been walled off from sea to sea, he was on his guard lest, falling into similar reverses, he should be shut off from his exit into the country; for he saw that the place called Epipolae lay favourably against the city of the Syracusans. 18.3. Therefore, taking the architects along, on their judgement he decided that he must wall Epipolae, where the wall by the Hexapyla now stands. 18.4. For this place is turned toward the north, and is everywhere precipitous and, because of its ruggedness, hard to approach from the parts outside. Wishing, then, that the construction of the walls should be done quickly, he gathered the multitude from the countryside, from which, selecting the able men to the number of sixty thousand, he distributed among them the area to be walled. 18.5. For each stade he set architects, and for each plethron he assigned masons, and the labourers to serve them, two hundred private men for each plethron. Apart from these, others, very many in number, cut the rough stone, and six thousand yokes of oxen carried it to its proper place. 18.6. The multitude of hands at work furnished much amazement to the onlookers, all hastening to complete the task assigned. For Dionysius, calling forth the eagerness of the multitude, set before them great rewards for those who finished first, separately to the architects, separately to the masons, and again to the labourers; and he himself, with his friends, attended at the works whole days, appearing in every place and always lending a hand to those in distress. 18.7. In general, laying aside the weight of his office, he showed himself a private man, and applying himself to the heaviest of the tasks endured the same hardship as the rest, so that there arose much rivalry, and some added to the day's work parts of the nights as well; such was the zeal that had fallen upon the multitude. 18.8. Therefore, beyond expectation, in twenty days the wall was finished, built to a length of thirty stades, and with a height in proportion, so that, the strength of fortification being added to the wall, it was unassailable by force; for it was broken at intervals by close-set, lofty towers, and was built of squared stones diligently fitted together. 19.1. This year having passed, at Athens Exaenetus was archon, and at Rome six military tribunes took over the consular office, Publius Cornelius, Caeso Fabius, Spurius Nautius, Gaius Valerius, Manius Sergius. 19.2. About these times Cyrus, the ruler of the satrapies on the sea, had long been planning to march against his brother Artaxerxes; for the young man was full of high spirit and had an eagerness not idle for the contests of war. 19.3. When a sufficient multitude of mercenaries had been gathered to him and his preparations for the expedition were ready, he did not make the truth known to the multitude, but said that he was leading the force up into Cilicia against the tyrants who had revolted from the King. 19.4. He sent also to the Lacedaemonians envoys to renew the benefactions of the war against the Athenians and to call upon them to be his allies. The Lacedaemonians, thinking the war would be to their advantage, resolved to aid Cyrus, and immediately sent envoys to their own admiral, named Samus, that he should do whatever Cyrus ordered. 19.5. Samus had twenty-five triremes, with which, sailing to Ephesus to the admiral of Cyrus, he was ready to assist him in everything. They sent out also eight hundred foot-soldiers, appointing Cheirisophus as their commander. The barbarian fleet was commanded by Tamos, who had fifty triremes lavishly equipped; and when the Lacedaemonians had sailed in, the fleets put out, making their voyage as though against Cilicia. 19.6. Cyrus, having gathered at Sardis those levied from Asia and thirteen thousand mercenaries, appointed as overseers of Lydia and Phrygia Persians of his own kindred, and of Ionia and Aeolis, and besides of the regions nearby, Tamos, who was a faithful friend, and a Memphite by race; he himself with the force advanced as though against Cilicia and Pisidia, spreading the report that certain of those dwelling there had revolted. 19.7. He had in all from Asia seventy thousand, of whom three thousand were cavalry, and from the Peloponnese and the rest of Greece thirteen thousand mercenaries. 19.8. Of those from the Peloponnese, apart from the Achaeans, the leader was Clearchus the Lacedaemonian; of those from Boeotia, Proxenus the Theban; of the Achaeans, Socrates the Achaean; and of those from Thessaly, Menon the Larissaean. 19.9. Of the barbarians, the Persians held the commands in detail, but of all together Cyrus himself was leader, who had made known to the commanders the march up against his brother, but kept it hidden from the multitude, being on his guard lest, because of the magnitude of the expedition, it should abandon his purpose. Therefore on the march, foreseeing what was to come, he courted the soldiers, presenting himself as one of the common sort and preparing lavish provisions.

20.1. When he had passed through Lydia and Phrygia, and also the parts of Cappadocia bordering thereon, he came to the borders of Cilicia and the pass at the Cilician Gates; this is narrow and precipitous, extending for twenty stades, and near it on both sides are exceedingly great and hard-to-approach mountains; and from the mountains on either side walls run down to the road, in which gates have been built. 20.2. Leading his force through these, he burst into a plain inferior in beauty to none of those in Asia; passing through it to Tarsus, the greatest of the cities in Cilicia, he quickly became master of it. Syennesis, the ruler of Cilicia, when he heard the magnitude of the enemy's force, fell into great perplexity, not being a match for it. 20.3. When Cyrus summoned him and gave pledges, he went to him, and learning the truth of the war agreed to be his ally against Artaxerxes; and he sent off one of his sons along with Cyrus, giving him sufficient Cilicians to serve in the campaign; for, being knavish by nature and arming himself against the uncertainty of fortune, he sent the other of his sons secretly to the King, to declare both that the forces had been gathered against him and that he was sharing in the alliance with Cyrus out of necessity, but that, abiding in goodwill, when occasion should arise, he would leave Cyrus and serve with the King. 20.4. Cyrus refreshed his force at Tarsus for twenty days; but after this, when he was breaking camp, the multitude suspected that the campaign was against Artaxerxes. Each, reckoning up the lengths of the roads and the multitudes of the hostile nations through which they must of necessity make their march, was utterly distressed; for it was noised abroad that the road as far as Bactra was a four months' journey for an army, and that a force of more than four hundred thousand had been gathered for the King. 20.5. Therefore, being greatly afraid, they were indignant, and holding the commanders in anger they attempted to kill them as betrayers of themselves. But when Cyrus entreated them all, and firmly maintained that he was leading the army up not against Artaxerxes but against a certain satrap of Syria, the soldiers were persuaded, and receiving more pay were restored to their original goodwill. 21.1. Cyrus, when he had passed through Cilicia, came to the city Issus, which lies on the sea and is the last of Cilicia. There sailed into it about the same time also the fleet of the Lacedaemonians, and the generals disembarked and, meeting with Cyrus, reported the goodwill of the Spartans toward him, and landing the eight hundred foot under Cheirisophus delivered them over. 21.2. These the friends of Cyrus pretended to send as mercenaries, but in truth everything was done with the consent of the ephors; the Lacedaemonians, however, did not yet openly take up the war, but kept their purpose hidden, watching the turn of the war. Cyrus with his force broke camp, making his march toward Syria, and ordered the admirals to coast along with all the ships. 21.3. When he came to the place called the Gates and found it empty of guards, he was greatly delighted; for he had been in great distress lest some should have occupied them beforehand. The nature of the place is narrow and precipitous, so that it could easily be guarded by a few. 21.4. For mountains lie near one another, the one rugged and having noteworthy precipices, while at the very road another mountain begins, the greatest of those about those regions, called Amanus, which extends along Phoenicia; and the place between the mountains, being about three stades, is wholly walled and has gates closing into a narrow passage. 21.5. Cyrus, then, passing through these without danger, sent the rest of the fleet to put back to Ephesus; for it was no longer of use to him, since he intended to make his march through the interior; and travelling twenty days he came to Thapsacus, a city which lies beside the river Euphrates. 21.6. There, spending five days and winning over his force by the abundance of provisions and by the gains from foraging, he called an assembly and declared the truth of the expedition. The soldiers receiving the word with displeasure, he begged them all not to abandon him, promising both other great gifts and that, when they came to Babylon, he would give each man five minas of silver. The soldiers, then, elated by their hopes, were persuaded to follow; 21.7. and Cyrus, when he had crossed the Euphrates with his force, pressed on, marching without pause, and on coming to the borders of Babylonia he gave his force rest. 22.1. King Artaxerxes had long been informed by Pharnabazus that Cyrus was secretly gathering an army against him, and now, learning of his march up, he summoned the forces from everywhere to Ecbatana in Media. 22.2. But since those from the Indians and certain other nations were late, because the regions lay far off, he set out with the army that had been gathered to meet Cyrus. He had in all soldiers with cavalry not fewer than four hundred thousand, as Ephorus says. 22.3. When he came to the Babylonian plain, he cast a camp beside the Euphrates, intending to leave the baggage there; for he learned that the enemy were not far off, and suspected the recklessness of their daring. 22.4. Digging, then, a trench sixty feet wide and ten feet deep, he set around it in a circle the wagons that accompanied him, like a wall. Leaving in the camp the baggage and the useless multitude, he stationed a sufficient guard over it, while he himself, leading forward the force light-armed, went to meet the enemy who were near. 22.5. Cyrus, when he saw the King's army advancing, immediately drew up his own force in order. The right wing, extending along the Euphrates, the Lacedaemonian foot and some of the mercenaries held, of all of whom Clearchus the Lacedaemonian was leader; and there fought along with him those of the cavalry gathered from Paphlagonia, being above a thousand; the other part was held by those from Phrygia and Lydia, and besides about a thousand of the cavalry, of whom Aridaeus had the command. 22.6. Cyrus himself was stationed at the centre of the phalanx, having the bravest of the Persians and of the other barbarians, about ten thousand; and before him went a thousand of the cavalry most beautifully equipped, having breastplates and Greek swords. 22.7. Artaxerxes, before the whole phalanx, stationed scythe-bearing chariots not few in number; and over the wings he set Persians as leaders, while at the centre he himself was stationed, having of the chosen men not fewer than fifty thousand.

23.1. When the forces were about three stades distant from one another, the Greeks, having sung the paean, at first advanced quietly; but when they were within range of missiles, they ran on with great speed. Clearchus the Lacedaemonian had ordered them to do this; for not running from a great distance was likely to keep the combatants sound in body for the battle, while approaching at a run when near seemed likely to make the shots of the bows and the other missiles pass overhead. 23.2. When the troops of Cyrus drew near the King's army, such a multitude of missiles was hurled upon them as is likely to be discharged from a force composed of four hundred thousand. Nevertheless, having for a very brief time contended with the javelins, for the rest they now joined battle hand to hand. 23.3. The Lacedaemonians and the other mercenaries, immediately at the first onset, struck dismay into the barbarians arrayed against them both by the brilliance of their arms and by their dexterity. 23.4. For the barbarians were covered with small arms, and most of their formations were light-armed, and besides this they were inexperienced in the dangers of war; whereas the Greeks, through the length of the Peloponnesian War having been continually engaged in battles, far surpassed in experience. Therefore, immediately routing those opposite them, they pursued and slew many of the barbarians. 23.5. At the centre of the line it happened that both those contending for the kingship were stationed; therefore, perceiving what had occurred, they rushed against one another, ambitious to decide the battle by themselves; for fortune, as it seems, brought the brothers' strife for the supremacy to a single combat, as a kind of imitation of that ancient and tragic daring concerning Eteocles and Polyneices. 23.6. Cyrus, then, anticipating, hurled his javelin from a distance, and hitting the King brought him down to the ground; him those about him quickly snatched up and carried out of the battle. Tissaphernes, a Persian, taking over the command of the King, both encouraged the multitude and himself fought brilliantly; and retrieving the reverse that had befallen the King, and appearing with the chosen men in every place, he slew many of those arrayed against him, so that his presence was conspicuous from afar. 23.7. Cyrus, elated by the advantage of his men, forced his way into the midst of the enemy, and at first, using his daring unsparingly, slew many, but afterward, taking risks more rashly, was struck mortally by one of the common Persians and fell. When he had fallen, the King's men took fresh courage for the battle, and in the end, by their numbers and their daring, wore down those who withstood them. 24.1. On the other wing Aridaeus, the satrap of Cyrus, who had been stationed in command, at first vigorously received the barbarians coming on; but afterward, the phalanx extending far and surrounding him, and learning of the death of Cyrus, he fled with his own soldiers to one of his own stations, which had a refuge not unsuitable. 24.2. Clearchus, seeing the centre and the other parts of the allies routed, desisted from pursuit, and recalling his soldiers set them in order; for he was on his guard lest, the whole force coming against the Greeks, they should be surrounded and all perish. 24.3. Those arrayed with the King, when they had routed those opposite them, first plundered the baggage of Cyrus, and after this, night having now come on, gathered and rushed upon the Greeks; and these receiving their onset nobly, for a little time the barbarians held out, but a little later, being overcome by the daring and dexterity of the Greeks, they took to flight. 24.4. Clearchus and his men, having slain many of the barbarians, as it was now night, withdrew and set up a trophy, and about the second watch reached their camp. 24.5. The battle having taken such an end, more than fifteen thousand of the King's men were slain, of whom the most were slain by the Lacedaemonians and mercenaries stationed with Clearchus. 24.6. On the other side, of Cyrus's soldiers about three thousand fell; but of the Greeks they say none was slain, and a few were wounded. 24.7. When the night had passed, Aridaeus, who had fled to his station, sent some men to Clearchus, asking him to lead his soldiers over to him and to save themselves together by going to the places on the sea; for, Cyrus having been slain and the King's forces being superior, great anxiety held those who had dared to march for the overthrow of the kingdom of Artaxerxes. 25.1. Clearchus, calling together the generals and those appointed to commands, took counsel about the present circumstances. While they were occupied with these matters, there came from the King envoys, of whom the chief envoy was a Greek man, by name Phalynus, a Zacynthian by race. Brought into the council, they said that King Artaxerxes declared: "Since I have conquered, having slain Cyrus, surrender your arms, and going to my doors seek how, by courting me, you may obtain some good." 25.2. When these things had been said, each of the generals gave such an answer as Leonidas gave, at the time when, as he was guarding the passes at Thermopylae, Xerxes sent messengers ordering him to give up his arms. 25.3. For then too Leonidas said: "Report to the King that we think that, even if we should become friends with Xerxes, we shall be better allies having our arms, and if we should be forced to make war upon him, we shall fight better with these." 25.4. When Clearchus had answered similarly about these matters, Proxenus the Theban said that now we have thrown away almost everything else, but there is left to us our valour and our arms. We think, then, that if we keep these, our valour also will be useful to us, but if we surrender them, neither will this be a help to us. Therefore he bade them tell the King that, whatever evil he plans concerning us, with these we shall contend against him for his goods. 25.5. It is said that Sophilus also, who had been appointed to a command, said that he marvelled at the words from the King; for if he thinks himself stronger than the Greeks, let him come with his force and take our arms; but if he wishes to obtain them by persuasion, let him say what favour worthy of these he will give us in return. 25.6. After these, Socrates the Achaean said that the King was dealing with them most astonishingly; for what he wishes to take from us he demands at once, but the things to be given in return for these he bids us claim afterward. And in general, if, not knowing that the victors are the conquered, he orders us to do what is commanded, let him learn whose is the victory by coming with his numerous force; but if, clearly knowing that we have conquered, he lies, how shall we trust him concerning his promises for the future? 25.7. The messengers, then, having received such answers, departed; and Clearchus and his men marched off to the station where the saved army had withdrawn. When the whole force had come together to the same place, they took counsel in common about the descent to the sea and about the march. 25.8. It seemed best to them not to make their withdrawal by the same route by which they had come; for much of it was desert, in which they did not suppose they would have provisions, a hostile force following them. Deciding to break camp toward Paphlagonia, these men set out for Paphlagonia with their force, marching at leisure, so as to provide themselves with food along the way.

26.1. The King, being better from his wound, when he learned of the withdrawal of his opponents, thinking they were in flight, set out with his force in haste. 26.2. Overtaking them because of their slow march, it being then already night, he made his camp near them; but at daybreak, while the Greeks were drawing up their army for battle, he sent the messengers and for the present made a truce for three days; 26.3. and during these days they agreed that he should provide the country as friendly and give those who would guide them to the sea and furnish a market to those passing through, while the mercenaries with Clearchus and all those with Aridaeus should march through the country doing no wrong. 26.4. After this, these set about their journeys, while the King led his force away to Babylon. There, having honoured according to their merit each of those who had shown bravery in the battle, he judged that Tissaphernes had proved the best of all. Therefore, having honoured him with great gifts, he gave him his own daughter to live with, and for the rest continued to hold him as his most faithful friend; he gave him also the command of the satrapies on the sea over which Cyrus had ruled. 26.5. Tissaphernes, seeing the King angry with the Greeks, promised him to destroy them all, if he would give him forces and be reconciled with Aridaeus; for the Greeks would be betrayed by this man on their march. The King, gladly receiving the words, gave him leave to select from the whole force the best, as many as he chose. 26.6. . . . to come with other commanders also and hear the words face to face. Therefore the generals, almost all, with Clearchus, and about twenty of the captains, came to Tissaphernes; and about two hundred soldiers also, wishing to go to market, followed. 26.7. Tissaphernes summoned the generals into his tent, while the captains tarried at the doors. And a little later, when a purple flag had been raised from the tent of Tissaphernes, he seized the generals within, and those to whom it had been arranged fell upon the captains and slew them, while others slew the soldiers who had come to the market; of these one, fleeing to his own camp, made the disaster known. 27.1. The soldiers, learning what had happened, at the moment were struck with dismay, and all rushed to arms in great disorder, as in a time of anarchy; but afterward, no one troubling them, they chose several generals, and to one of them, Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, they entrusted the whole command. 27.2. These, having drawn up the army for the march in whatever way seemed to them best, advanced toward Paphlagonia. Tissaphernes, having bound the generals, sent them to Artaxerxes; and he put the rest to death, but released Menon alone; for this man alone, being at variance with the allies, seemed likely to betray the Greeks. 27.3. Tissaphernes, following with his force, harassed the Greeks; and he did not dare to draw up in front of them, fearing the boldness and desperation of men who had given themselves up for lost, but harassing them in suitable places he was able to involve them in no great mischief, while doing them small harm he followed them as far as the people called the Carduchi. 27.4. And Tissaphernes, being able to accomplish nothing further, broke camp with his force toward Ionia; while the Greeks for seven days passed through the mountains of the Carduchi, suffering many ills from the natives, who were both valiant and experienced in the country. 27.5. These were enemies of the King, but free, and practised in the things of war, and most of all trained to cast the largest stones with slings and to use arrows of enormous size, with which, wounding the Greeks from commanding positions, they slew many and disabled not a few. 27.6. For the missiles, being more than two cubits in length, pierced through both shields and breastplates, so that none of their arms had strength to withstand their force; for they are said to have used such great arrows that the Greeks, fitting thongs to the missiles thrown, hurled them back, using them as javelins. 27.7. Having traversed the aforesaid country with toil, they came to the river Centrites; crossing which they burst into Armenia. Of this the satrap was Tiribazus, with whom, making a truce, they passed through the country as friends. 28.1. Marching through the Armenian mountains, they were caught by a heavy snow, and ran the risk of all perishing. For the air being disturbed, at first a little snow began to fall from the surrounding sky, so that the travellers were not at all hindered in their forward march; but after this, a wind arising, it kept falling ever more, and covered the country, so that one could no longer see either the roads or, in general, the distinctive features of the places. 28.2. Therefore despondency and fear stole over the army, since they were unwilling to turn back to destruction, yet unable to advance because of the multitude of the snows. And the storm gaining in violence, there came on a great wind with much hail, so that, the driving sleet being in their faces, the whole force was compelled to sit down; for each, being unable to endure the hardship from the march, was compelled to remain wherever he chanced to be. 28.3. Being in want of all necessaries, they held out that day and night in the open air, beset by many ills; for, because of the multitude of the snow pouring down continually, all the arms were covered over and their bodies were chilled through by the frost from the clear sky. And because of the excess of their ills they lay awake the whole night; and some, kindling a fire, found relief therefrom, while others, overtaken by the frost in their bodies, gave up all hope of help, almost all their extremities being deadened. 28.4. Therefore, when the night had passed, most of the baggage-animals were found to have perished, and of the men many were dead, and not a few, having their souls still conscious, but their bodies immovable through the frost; and some were even blinded in their eyes both by the cold and by the glare of the snow. 28.5. And they would all utterly have perished, had they not, going on a little, found villages full of provisions. These had descents dug out for the baggage-animals, and for the men by ladders . . . in the houses, the cattle reared upon fodder, and for the men great abundance of all things necessary for life.

29.1. Remaining in the villages eight days, they came to the river Phasis. There, spending four days, they passed through the country of the Chaones and the Phasians. When the natives attacked them, they conquered these in battle and slew many, while themselves seizing the possessions of the natives, full of good things, they tarried in them fifteen days. 29.2. Breaking camp thence, they passed through the country of the people called Chaldaeans in seven days, and came to the river named Harpagus, four plethra in breadth. From there, marching through the country of the Scytini, they passed over a level road, in which they refreshed themselves for three days, being well supplied with all necessaries. After this, breaking camp, on the fourth day they came to a great city named Gymnasia. 29.3. From this the ruler of those regions made a truce with them and provided guides to the sea. In fifteen days, coming to the mountain Chenium, when the foremost in the march saw the sea, they were overjoyed and raised such a shout that those in the rearguard, supposing it to be an attack of the enemy, rushed to arms. 29.4. When all had gone up to the place from which the sea could be seen, lifting up their hands to the gods they gave thanks as being now saved; and bringing together into one place very many stones, and making of them great heaps, they dedicated spoils of the barbarians, wishing to leave behind an undying memorial of the expedition. And to their guide they gave a silver bowl and a Persian robe; and he, after showing them the road toward the Macrones, departed. 29.5. The Greeks, invading the country of the Macrones, made a truce, and as a pledge they received from them a barbarian spear, and themselves gave a Greek one; for the barbarians said that these had been handed down to them through their forefathers as the surest pledges of faith. When they had passed through the borders of these, they came into the country of the Colchians. 29.6. Into which when the natives had gathered against them, they overcame these in battle and slew many, while themselves seizing a strong hill they plundered the country, and having gathered the spoils into this place they refreshed themselves abundantly. 30.1. There were found also very many beehives about those places, from which were obtained costly honeycombs. Of these those who tasted fell into a strange affliction; for those who partook of them became senseless, and falling to the ground were like the dead. 30.2. Since many ate because of the sweetness of the enjoyment, the number of the fallen soon became great, as if a rout had taken place in war. That day, then, the force was dejected, struck with dismay both by the strangeness and by the multitude of those who had suffered; but on the next day, about the same hour, all recovered themselves, and little by little, regaining their senses, they got up, and were affected in body like those saved from a draught of drugs. 30.3. When they had recovered themselves in three days, they marched to Trapezus, a Greek city, a colony of the Sinopeans, lying in the country of the Colchians. There, spending thirty days, they were brilliantly entertained by the natives, and themselves made a sacrifice to Heracles and to Zeus the Saviour and held a gymnastic contest, in the very place where they say the Argo and the companions of Jason put in. 30.4. From there they sent Cheirisophus, their leader, to Byzantium for boats and triremes; for he said he was a friend of Anaxibius the admiral of the Byzantines. Him, then, they sent off on a swift vessel; and taking two small oared boats from the Trapezuntians, they plundered the surrounding barbarians both by land and by sea. 30.5. For thirty days, then, they waited for Cheirisophus; but when he delayed, and the provisions for the men grew scarce, they broke camp from Trapezus, and on the third day came to Cerasus, a Greek city, a colony of the Sinopeans. Spending some days in this, they came to the people of the Mossynoeci. 30.6. When the barbarians had gathered against them, they overcame them in battle and slew many. And when these had fled together to a certain place, in which they dwelt having wooden towers of seven storeys, making continual assaults they took it by storm. This place was the mother-city of the other strongholds, in which their king also dwelt, having the highest position. 30.7. It is their ancestral custom that he remain in it his whole life, and from there distribute his orders to the multitude. The soldiers said they had passed through this nation, the most barbarous, and that they had intercourse with their women in the sight of all, and that the children of the wealthiest were fed on boiled nuts, and that all of them from childhood had their backs and breasts variously patterned with tattoos. This country, then, they passed through in eight days, and the next in three, which they called Tibarene.

31.1. From there they came to Cotyora, a Greek city, a colony of the Sinopeans. In this they spent fifty days, plundering the neighbouring peoples of Paphlagonia and the other barbarians. The Heracleotes and Sinopeans sent them ships, by which both they themselves and their baggage were transported. 31.2. Sinope was a colony of the Milesians, and lying in Paphlagonia it had the greatest dignity of the cities about those regions; in it indeed, in our own time, Mithridates, who waged the greatest war against the Romans, had his royal seat. 31.3. There came there also Cheirisophus, who had been sent for the triremes, having accomplished nothing. Nevertheless the Sinopeans, having entertained them kindly, sent them off by sea to Heraclea, a colony of the Megarians; and the whole fleet anchored off the Acherusian Chersonese, where they say Heracles brought up Cerberus from Hades. 31.4. From there, marching on foot through Bithynia, they fell into dangers, the natives harassing them along the march. With difficulty, then, those who survived of the ten thousand, eight thousand three hundred, came safe to Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia. 31.5. From there, for the rest, some easily came safe to their own fatherlands, while the rest, gathering about the Chersonese, plundered the neighbouring country of the Thracians. Such, then, was the end of the expedition of Cyrus against Artaxerxes. 32.1. The Thirty Tyrants ruling at Athens did not cease, day by day, banishing some and slaying others. When the Thebans were indignant at what was being done and received the exiles kindly, Thrasybulus, called the Stirian, an Athenian, who had been banished by the Thirty, the Thebans secretly cooperating with him, seized a place of Attica named Phyle. This stronghold was both exceedingly strong and a hundred stades distant from Athens, so as to furnish them many bases for their advance. 32.2. The Thirty Tyrants, learning what had happened, at first led out their force against them as if to besiege the place; but while they were encamping near Phyle a heavy snowstorm came on. 32.3. And when some attempted to shift their tents, most supposed them to be in flight and that some hostile force was near; and a tumult of the kind called Panic having fallen upon the camp, they shifted their position to another place. 32.4. The Thirty, seeing that the citizens at Athens, all who did not share in the constitution of the Three Thousand, were excited toward the dissolution of their dominion, removed them to the Piraeus, and with their foreign arms held down the city; and the Eleusinians and Salaminians, charging them with favouring the exiles, they put to death, all of them. 32.5. While these things were being done, many of the exiles flocked to Thrasybulus . . . ostensibly to confer about certain prisoners, but secretly to advise him to dissolve the body of exiles that had been gathered and, with themselves, to rule the city in place of Theramenes, being chosen as his successor, and to have the power to bring back ten of the exiles whom he might choose into their fatherland. 32.6. Thrasybulus said that he preferred his own exile to the dominion of the Thirty, and that he would not end the war unless all the citizens returned and the people recovered their ancestral constitution. The Thirty, seeing many revolting from them through hatred, and the exiles ever becoming more numerous, sent envoys to Sparta for help, while they themselves, gathering as many as they could, encamped in the open about the place called Acharnae. 33.1. Thrasybulus, leaving a sufficient guard of the place, led out the exiles, being twelve hundred; and attacking the camp of his opponents by night unexpectedly and killing a good many, he struck the rest with dismay by the surprise and forced them to flee to Athens. 33.2. After the battle Thrasybulus immediately set out for the Piraeus and seized Munychia, a hill desert and strong; and the tyrants with their whole force, coming down to the Piraeus, assaulted Munychia, Critias having the command. The battle being for a long time fierce, the tyrants prevailed in numbers, but the exiles in the strength of their positions. 33.3. At last, when Critias had fallen, those with the Thirty were struck with dismay and fled to the more level places, the exiles not daring to come down into those. After this, many revolting to the exiles, Thrasybulus and his men suddenly attacked their opponents, and prevailing in battle became masters of the Piraeus. 33.4. Immediately many from the city, desiring to be rid of the tyranny, flocked together to the Piraeus, and all the exiles scattered through the cities, hearing of the successes of Thrasybulus, came to the Piraeus, so that now the exiles greatly surpassed in forces; therefore they undertook to besiege the city. 33.5. Those in Athens deposed the Thirty from office and sent them out of the city, and appointed ten men with full powers, that they might, if they could, settle the war as amicably as possible. These, taking over the office, neglected this and, showing themselves tyrants, sent for forty ships from Lacedaemon and a thousand soldiers, whom Lysander commanded. 33.6. But Pausanias the king of the Lacedaemonians, envying Lysander, and seeing Sparta in ill repute among the Greeks, set out with a large force, and on coming to Athens reconciled those in the city with the exiles. Therefore the Athenians recovered their fatherland and for the rest governed themselves by their own laws; but to those who feared lest they should suffer something because of their continual wrongdoings, they granted permission to dwell in Eleusis.

34.1. The Eleians, fearing the supremacy of the Lacedaemonians, settled the war against them, on terms that they should give their triremes to the Lacedaemonians and let the surrounding cities be independent. 34.2. The Lacedaemonians, having ended their wars and having leisure, marched against the Messenians, of whom some dwelt in a stronghold in Cephallenia, and others at Naupactus among the Locrians called the western, the Athenians having given it to them. Driving them out of these places, they restored the strongholds, the one to those dwelling in Cephallenia, the other to the Locrians. 34.3. The Messenians, because of their ancient hatred of the Spartans, being driven from every quarter, departed from Greece with their arms; and some of them, sailing to Sicily, became mercenaries of Dionysius, while others sailed to Cyrene, being about three thousand, and were ranged with the exiles there. 34.4. For the Cyrenaeans at that time were in a state of disturbance, Ariston and certain others having seized the city. Lately the five hundred most powerful of the Cyrenaeans had been slain, and of the rest the most refined had fled. 34.5. Nevertheless the exiles, taking the Messenians to their aid, drew up against those who had seized the city, and of the Cyrenaeans many fell on both sides, while the Messenians were almost all slain. 34.6. After the engagement the Cyrenaeans, sending embassies to one another, were reconciled, and immediately swearing oaths not to bear malice, dwelt in the city in common. 34.7. About the same time the Romans added settlers to the place called Velitrae. 35.1. This year having passed, at Athens Laches was archon, and at Rome military tribunes administered the consular office, Manius Claudius, Marcus Quinctius, Lucius Julius, Marcus Furius, Lucius Valerius; and the ninety-fifth Olympiad was held, in which Minos the Athenian was victor in the stadion. 35.2. About these times Artaxerxes the King of Asia, having defeated Cyrus, had sent Tissaphernes to take over all the satrapies on the sea. Therefore the satraps and cities that had been allied with Cyrus were in great anxiety, lest they pay the penalty for the offences they had committed against the King. 35.3. The other satraps, then, sending embassies to Tissaphernes, courted him and arranged their affairs with him as best they could; but Tamos, being the greatest of them and ruling Ionia, put aboard his triremes his money and all his sons except one, the one called Glos, who after some time commanded the royal forces. 35.4. Tamos, then, fearing Tissaphernes, set sail for Egypt with his fleet, and took refuge with Psammetichus the king of the Egyptians, a descendant of Psammetichus. And since he had previously done the king a benefit, he supposed he would have him as a kind of harbour from the dangers from the King. 35.5. But Psammetichus, holding for nothing both the benefaction and the duty of piety toward suppliants, slaughtered his suppliant and friend together with his children, that he might become master of the money and the fleet. 35.6. The Greek cities in Asia, learning of the coming down of Tissaphernes, being anxious for themselves, sent envoys to the Lacedaemonians, begging them not to look on while they were rendered desolate by the barbarians. The Lacedaemonians, promising to help, sent envoys to Tissaphernes to bid him not bring hostile arms against the Greek cities. 35.7. Tissaphernes, coming with a force first against the city of the Cymaeans, ravaged the whole country and gained possession of many captives; after this, shutting them up in a siege, since winter was drawing near and he could not take the city, he ransomed the captives for much money and broke off the siege.

36.1. The Lacedaemonians, appointing Thibron as commander for the war against the King, gave him a thousand of their citizens, and ordered him to enlist from the allies as many as should seem to him to be of advantage. 36.2. Thibron, going to Corinth and there summoning soldiers from the allies, sailed out to Ephesus with not more than five thousand. There, enrolling from his own cities and the others about two thousand, he broke camp having in all more than seven thousand. Marching about a hundred and twenty stades, he came to Magnesia, which Tissaphernes ruled; this he took at the first assault, and quickly marching to Tralles in Ionia, he attempted to besiege the city; but being unable to accomplish anything because of its strength, he withdrew again to Magnesia. 36.3. This being unwalled, and on that account fearing lest, when he had departed, Tissaphernes should master the city, he removed it to the nearby mountain which they call Thorax; and he himself, invading the enemy's country, filled his soldiers with all manner of spoils. When Tissaphernes came up with much cavalry, taking precaution he turned back to Ephesus. 37.1. About the same time, of those who had served with Cyrus and come safe to Greece, some departed to their own fatherlands, but most, being accustomed to live a soldier's life, and being about five thousand, chose Xenophon as their general. 37.2. He, taking up the force, set out to make war upon the Thracians dwelling about Salmydessus; this lies on the left of the Pontus, and extending far makes very many shipwrecks. 37.3. The Thracians, then, were accustomed, lying in wait about these places, to take captive the merchants who were cast ashore; but Xenophon, with the soldiers he had gathered, invading their country, both conquered them in battle and burned most of their villages. 37.4. After this, Thibron summoning them and promising to give them pay, they went over to him and made war on the Persians along with the Lacedaemonians. 37.5. While these things were being done, Dionysius in Sicily founded a city at the very foot of the hill of Aetna, and named it Adranum from a certain notable temple. 37.6. In Macedonia king Archelaus, having been struck involuntarily in a hunt by Crateros his beloved, departed this life, having reigned seven years; and his rule was succeeded by Orestes, a boy, whom Aeropus, being his guardian, slew, and held the kingdom six years. 37.7. At Athens Socrates the philosopher, accused by Anytus and Meletus of impiety and of corrupting the young, was condemned to death, and drinking hemlock he died. The accusation having proved unjust, the people repented, seeing so great a man slain; therefore they were angry with the accusers and at last put them to death without trial. 38.1. The annual period having passed, at Athens Aristocrates took over the office, and at Rome six military tribunes succeeded to the consular office, Gaius Servilius and Lucius Verginius, Quintus Sulpicius, Aulus Mutilius, Manius Sergius. 38.2. These having taken over the office, the Lacedaemonians, learning that Thibron was managing the war badly, sent Dercylidas as general to Asia; who, taking over the force, marched against the cities in the Troad. 38.3. Hamaxitus, then, and Colonae and Arisba he took at the first assault; after this Ilium and Cebrenia and all the other cities in the Troad he took, some by guile and some he subdued by force. After this, having made an eight-month truce with Pharnabazus, he marched against the Thracians then dwelling about Bithynia; and having plundered their country he led his force away into winter-quarters. 38.4. At Heraclea by Trachis, faction having arisen, the Lacedaemonians sent out Herippidas to set the affairs in order. He, coming to Heraclea, gathered the multitude into an assembly, and setting hoplites around them seized the guilty and slew them all, being about five hundred. 38.5. When the dwellers about Oeta revolted, he made war on them, and involving them in many evils compelled them to leave the country; most of these fled with their children and wives into Thessaly, and after five years were brought back by the Boeotians. 38.6. While these things were being done, the Thracians with many forces invaded the Chersonese, and ravaging the whole country shut up the cities in it within their walls. The Chersonesites, hard pressed by the war, sent for Dercylidas the Lacedaemonian from Asia. 38.7. He, crossing over with his force, both drove the Thracians out of the country and walled off the Chersonese from sea to sea. By doing this, he both prevented the Thracians from raiding for the time thereafter, and himself, honoured with great gifts, transported his army into Asia.

39.1. Pharnabazus, when the truce with the Lacedaemonians had been made, went up to the King and persuaded him to prepare a fleet and to set Conon the Athenian over it as admiral; for he was experienced in the contests of war, and most of all against the enemy; being most warlike, he was staying in Cyprus with Evagoras the king. The King being persuaded, Pharnabazus, taking five hundred talents of silver, set about constructing a fleet. 39.2. Sailing over to Cyprus, he ordered the kings there to make ready a hundred triremes, and conferring with Conon about the admiralship he set him over the sea as commander, holding out great hopes from the King. 39.3. Conon, both hoping to recover for his fatherland the supremacy, if the Lacedaemonians should be defeated, and at the same time himself to win great glory, accepted the admiralship. 39.4. Since the whole fleet was not yet prepared, taking the forty ships that were ready he sailed across to Cilicia, and there made ready the things for the war. Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, gathering soldiers from their own satrapies, broke camp, making their march toward Ephesus, because the enemy had their force there. 39.5. And there accompanied them twenty thousand foot and ten thousand horse. Dercylidas the leader of the Lacedaemonians, hearing of the approach of the Persians, led out his force, having in all not more than seven thousand. 39.6. When the camps came near one another, they made a truce and fixed a time, in which Pharnabazus should send to the King about terms, if he wished to end the war, and Dercylidas should declare these things to the Spartans. So these broke up their camps. 40.1. The Rhegians, being colonists of the Chalcidians, beheld with displeasure the growth of Dionysius. For he had reduced the Naxians and Cataneans, who were their kinsmen, to slavery; and to the Rhegians, sharing the same race as the unfortunate, what had happened furnished no ordinary anxiety, all being on their guard lest they fall into the same misfortunes. 40.2. It seemed best to them, therefore, before the tyrant should become completely strong, to march against him with speed. And immediately the exiles of the Syracusans banished by Dionysius contributed not the least to the war; for at that time most of them, residing at Rhegium, continually conferred about these matters, teaching that all the Syracusans would join the attack at the opportune moment. 40.3. At last, appointing generals, they sent out with them six thousand foot, six hundred horse, and fifty triremes. These, crossing the strait, persuaded the generals of the Messenians to share in the war, saying that it was a terrible thing to look on while neighbouring Greek cities were utterly destroyed by the tyrant. 40.4. The generals, then, persuaded by the Rhegians, led out the soldiers without the consent of the people; these were four thousand foot, four hundred horse, and thirty triremes. When the aforesaid forces had advanced to the borders of Messene, faction fell upon the soldiers, Laomedon the Messenian having made a public speech; 40.5. for he advised them not to begin a war against Dionysius, who had done them no wrong. The soldiers of the Messenians, then, the people not having ratified the war, were at once persuaded, and leaving their generals returned to their fatherland; 40.6. and the Rhegians, not being a match by themselves, when they saw the Messenians dissolving their force, themselves also quickly returned to Rhegium. Dionysius at first led out his force to the borders of Syracuse, expecting the onset of the enemy; but when he heard of their withdrawal, he led his army back to Syracuse; 40.7. and when the Rhegians and the Messenians sent embassies about peace, judging it to be of advantage to dissolve his enmity with the cities, he concluded the peace.

41.1. Seeing that some of the Greeks were running off into the dominion of the Carthaginians and recovering their cities and possessions, he thought that, if the peace with the Carthaginians lasted, many of those ranged under him would wish to share in revolt to them, but that, if war should arise, all those enslaved by the Carthaginians would revolt to him; and he heard also that many of the Carthaginians in Libya had perished, having fallen into a pestilential condition. 41.2. Therefore, thinking that he had a fit opportunity for war, he decided that preparation must first be made; for he supposed the war would be great and long, inasmuch as he was about to contend against the most powerful of the peoples of Europe. 41.3. Immediately, then, he gathered the craftsmen from the cities ranged under him by command, and others from Italy and Greece, and besides from the dominion of the Carthaginians, drawing them with great wages. For he was planning to construct arms in great abundance and missiles of every kind, and besides these quadriremes and quinqueremes, no vessel of five banks having yet been built down to those times. 41.4. When many craftsmen had been gathered, dividing them according to their proper trades, he set over them the most distinguished of the citizens, offering great rewards to those who should construct arms. He distributed also the pattern of the arms of each nation, because the mercenaries were composed of many peoples; 41.5. for he was eager to equip each of those serving with their own native arms, and reckoned that the army would have great power to strike dismay for this cause, and that in the battles all those fighting together would best use their accustomed equipment. 41.6. The Syracusans also seconding the purpose of Dionysius with zeal, there arose much rivalry about the construction of the arms. For not only in the porches and back-chambers of the temples, and further in the gymnasia and the porticoes about the market-place, was every place full of those at work, but also, apart from the public places, in the most notable houses arms in great abundance were being made. 42.1. For the catapult also was invented at this time at Syracuse, inasmuch as the best craftsmen from everywhere had been gathered into one place. For their eagerness was called forth both by the magnitude of the wages and by the multitude of the prizes set before those judged the best; and apart from these, Dionysius, going about among the workers day by day, used kindly words and honoured the most zealous with gifts and took them in to his common meals. 42.2. Therefore the craftsmen, bringing in unsurpassable rivalry, devised besides many missiles and strange engines able to furnish great service. He began also to build quadriremes and quinquereme vessels, being the first to devise this construction of ships. 42.3. For Dionysius, hearing that the trireme had first been built at Corinth, was eager, in the city colonized by those people, to increase the size of the construction of the ships. 42.4. Obtaining permission to export timber from Italy, he sent half the woodcutters to the mountain about Aetna, which at those times was full of costly fir and pine, and sending the other half into Italy he prepared yokes to carry it down to the sea, and boats and the men to bring the rafts speedily to Syracuse. 42.5. Dionysius, when he had gathered sufficient timber, began at one and the same time to build more than two hundred ships and to refit the hundred and ten already existing; and he built also costly ship-sheds about what is now called the Great Harbour, a hundred and sixty in number, most of them holding two ships, and he repaired the existing ones, being a hundred and fifty. 43.1. Therefore, since so many arms and ships were being constructed in one place, what was being done furnished much amazement to the onlookers; for when one saw the eagerness about the ships, he thought that all the Sicilians were occupied about these; but when again he came among the works of the arm-makers and engine-makers, he thought that the whole preparation of service was about these alone. 43.2. Nevertheless, the zeal about these matters being unsurpassable, there were constructed of shields fourteen myriads, and of daggers and helmets a like number; and there were made ready also breastplates, of all kinds in their construction, and worked with extraordinary skill, more than fourteen thousand. 43.3. These he was planning to distribute to the cavalry and to those of the infantry appointed to commands, and besides to those of the mercenaries who were to serve as his bodyguard. There were constructed also catapults of every kind and a great number of the other missiles. 43.4. Of the warships prepared, half of them had citizen helmsmen and bow-officers, and besides those who were to use the oars, while for the others Dionysius hired foreigners. When the matters of the ships and the arms-making had reached completion, he set about the preparation of the soldiers; for he judged it of advantage not to hire them long beforehand, so that the expenses should not be many. 43.5. Astydamas the tragic poet first produced a play at this time; he lived sixty years. The Romans, while besieging the Veientes, when those of the city came out, some were cut down by the Veientes, others escaped shamefully.

44.1. This year having passed, at Athens Ithycles was archon, and at Rome, in place of the consuls, five military tribunes were appointed, Lucius Julius, Marcus Furius, Marcus Aemilius, Gaius Cornelius, Caeso Fabius. Dionysius the tyrant of the Syracusans, since most of the works concerning the arms-making and shipbuilding had reached completion, set about at once the preparation of the soldiers. 44.2. Of the Syracusans he enrolled the suitable men into companies, and from the cities ranged under him he summoned those who were fit. He gathered mercenaries also from Greece and especially from the Lacedaemonians; for these, helping to increase his power, gave him leave to enlist as many of them as he wished. In general, eager to gather a foreign army from many nations, and promising large wages, he found those who would obey. 44.3. Being about to stir up a great war, he behaved kindly toward the cities in the island, calling forth their goodwill. But seeing the Rhegians and Messenians, dwelling by the strait, to have a considerable force drawn up, he was on his guard lest, the Carthaginians crossing over into Sicily, they should attach themselves to them; for these cities had no small weight, to whichever side they should ally themselves in the war. 44.4. Being therefore exceedingly anxious about these things, Dionysius gave to the Messenians much of the bordering country, making them his own by his benefactions; and to the Rhegians he sent envoys, calling on them to make a marriage-alliance and to give him one of the citizen maidens to live with him; he promised them that he would acquire for them much of the bordering country and would increase the city as far as he had power. 44.5. For, his wife, the daughter of Hermocrates, having been slain at the time of the revolt of the cavalry, he was eager to beget children, reckoning that by the goodwill of those born he would most surely preserve his dominion. Nevertheless, when an assembly was held at Rhegium about these matters, and many speeches were made, it seemed best to the Rhegians not to accept the marriage-alliance. 44.6. Dionysius, having failed of this design, sent the envoys about the same matters to the people of the Locrians. When these had voted the marriage-alliance, Dionysius betrothed Doris the daughter of Xenetus, who at that time was the most distinguished of the citizens. 44.7. A few days before the wedding he sent to Locri a quinquereme, the first built, adorned with silver and gold ornaments; on which, conveying the maiden to Syracuse, he brought her into the citadel. 44.8. He betrothed also the most distinguished of the citizen women, Aristomache, and sending for her a white four-horse chariot he brought her to his own house. 45.1. About the same time, having married both, he held continuous feasts for the soldiers and for most of the citizens; for he was already laying aside the bitterness of his tyranny, and changing to fairness ruled his subjects more humanely, neither slaying nor making exiles, as had been his wont. 45.2. After the weddings, having waited a few days, he gathered an assembly and called upon the Syracusans to carry war against the Carthaginians, declaring that they were in general most hostile to the Greeks, and most of all plotting continually against the Sicilians. 45.3. And he showed that now they were remaining quiet because of the plague that had fallen upon them, which had destroyed most of those in Libya; but that, once they grew strong, they would not keep off from the Sicilians, against whom from of old they had plotted. Therefore it was preferable now to make war against them while they were weak, than afterward to contend against them when strong. 45.4. At the same time he urged that it was a terrible thing to look on while the Greek cities were enslaved by barbarians, which would join in the dangers to such a degree as they desired to obtain freedom. Nevertheless, having made many speeches toward this purpose, he quickly got the Syracusans in agreement. 45.5. For they were no less eager than he that the war should come about, first because they hated the Carthaginians, being compelled because of them to do what was ordered by the tyrant; and then because they hoped that Dionysius would deal with them more humanely, fearing the enemy and the attack from those enslaved; but the greatest thing was, they hoped that, becoming masters of arms, if fortune should give the occasion, they would lay hold of their freedom. 46.1. After the assembly, Dionysius having given leave, the Syracusans plundered the Phoenician goods. For not a few of the Carthaginians dwelt in Syracuse having abundant possessions, and many also of the merchants had in the harbour their ships laden with cargoes, all of which the Syracusans carried off. 46.2. In like manner the rest of the Sicilians too, casting out the Phoenicians dwelling among them, plundered their possessions; for although they hated the tyranny of Dionysius, nevertheless they gladly shared in the war against the Carthaginians because of the cruelty of those men. 46.3. For this reason also those dwelling in the Greek cities under the Carthaginians, when Dionysius openly carried on the war, displayed their hatred toward the Phoenicians; for not only did they plunder their properties, but seizing the men themselves they inflicted upon their bodies every kind of outrage and insult, remembering what they themselves had suffered in their captivity. 46.4. To such a degree did they proceed in their vengeance against the Phoenicians both then and in the later time, that the Carthaginians were taught no longer to act lawlessly toward those who fell under them; for they were not ignorant, having learned by the deeds themselves, that, fortune being common to those who war against each other, both sides in their defeats must of necessity suffer such things as they themselves do to the unfortunate. 46.5. Dionysius, then, when all things for the war had been made ready for him, planned to send messengers to Carthage to declare that the Syracusans proclaimed war upon the Carthaginians, unless they freed the Greek cities enslaved by them. With these matters, then, Dionysius was occupied. 46.6. Ctesias the historian closed his history of Persian affairs at this year, having begun from Ninus and Semiramis. There flourished in this year the most notable dithyrambic poets, Philoxenus of Cythera, Timotheus of Miletus, Telestes of Selinus, and Polyeidus, who had skill also in painting and music.

47.1. The annual period having passed, at Athens Lysiades had received the office, and at Rome six military tribunes administered the consular office, Publius Manlius, Publius Maelius, Spurius Furius, Lucius Publius. Dionysius the tyrant of the Syracusans, since everything for the war had been prepared by him according to his own purpose, sent to Carthage a herald, giving him a letter to the senate; 47.2. in this it was written that the Syracusans had resolved to make war upon the Carthaginians, unless they withdrew from the Greek cities. He, then, according to his orders, sailing to Libya, delivered the letter to the senate. When it had been read both in the council and afterward among the people, it came to pass that the Carthaginians were not moderately anxious about the war; for the plague had killed great numbers of them, and on the whole they were unprepared. 47.3. Nevertheless they awaited the purpose of the Syracusans, and with much money sent some of the senate to enlist mercenaries from Europe; 47.4. and Dionysius, taking up the Syracusans and the mercenaries, and besides the allies, broke camp from Syracuse, making his march toward Eryx. For not far from this hill was Motye, a colony of the Carthaginians, which they used most of all as a base of operations against Sicily; for, by mastering this, he hoped to gain no small advantage over the enemy. 47.5. Along the march he continually took up those from the Greek cities, arming them in full force; for all served eagerly with him, hating the weight of the Phoenician dominion and desiring at last to obtain freedom. 47.6. And first he took up the Camarinaeans, then the Geloans and Acragantines; after whom he summoned the Himeraeans, who dwell on the other side of Sicily; and bringing over the Selinuntians along the way, he came to Motye with his whole force. 47.7. He had eighty thousand foot, cavalry much more than three thousand, and warships not much short of two hundred; there accompanied him also cargo-vessels laden with many engines, and besides with all the rest of the supply, being in number not fewer than five hundred. 48.1. The preparation being so great, the Erycini, struck with dismay at the magnitude of the force and hating the Carthaginians, went over to Dionysius; but those dwelling in Motye, expecting help from the Carthaginians, were not dismayed at the force of Dionysius, but prepared for the siege; for they were not ignorant that the Syracusans would ravage Motye first because it was most faithful to the Carthaginians. 48.2. This city lay upon a certain island, distant from Sicily six stades, and in the multitude and the beauty of its houses was elaborated to excess because of the prosperity of its inhabitants. It had also a narrow, artificial causeway leading to the shore of Sicily, which the Motyans then cut through, that the enemy might not have approaches against them. 48.3. Dionysius, having surveyed the places with his architects, began to construct moles toward Motye, and the warships he hauled up along the entrance of the harbour, while the cargo-vessels he anchored along the shore. 48.4. After this, he left as overseer of the works Leptines the admiral, and himself with the infantry set out against the cities allied with the Carthaginians. The Sicani, then, all of them, fearing the magnitude of the force, went over to the Syracusans, while of the other cities only five remained in friendship with the Carthaginians; these were Halicyae, Solus, Aegesta, Panormus, Entella. 48.5. The territory of the Soluntines and Panormitans, and besides of the Halicyaeans, Dionysius plundered and cut down the trees; but Aegesta and Entella, encamping about them with a large force, he assaulted continually, eager to master them by force. And so the affairs of Dionysius stood. 49.1. Himilcon the general of the Carthaginians himself was occupied about the gathering of the forces and the rest of the preparation, but sent the admiral with ten triremes, ordering him to sail quickly and secretly as against the Syracusans, and sailing by night into the harbour to destroy the ships that had been left there. 49.2. This he did, thinking he would make a kind of counter-diversion and force Dionysius to send a part of his ships against the Syracusans. The admiral who was sent, having promptly done what was ordered, sailed by night into the harbour of the Syracusans, all being ignorant of what had happened. Attacking unexpectedly and ramming the ships moored there, and sinking almost all of them, he returned to Carthage. 49.3. Dionysius, having ravaged all the country under the Carthaginians and shut up the enemy within their walls, led the whole force against Motye; for he hoped that, this being taken by siege, the others would immediately surrender themselves. So at once, adding many times more men to the works, he filled in the channel between, and brought the engines, little by little, as the mole increased, against the walls.

50.1. About this time Himilcon the admiral of the Carthaginians, hearing that Dionysius had hauled up his ships, immediately manned the best of the triremes, a hundred; for he supposed that, appearing unexpectedly, he would easily master the vessels hauled up in the harbour, being master of the sea; and by doing this he thought he would both raise the siege of Motye and transfer the war to the city of the Syracusans. 50.2. Sailing out, then, with a hundred ships, he put in to the territory of the Selinuntians by night, and sailing round the cape about Lilybaeum he was at Motye at daybreak. Appearing unexpectedly to the enemy, of the ships moored there he shattered some and burned others, the troops of Dionysius being unable to help. 50.3. After this, sailing into the harbour, he drew up his ships as if to attack those hauled up by the enemy. Dionysius, gathering his force at the mouth of the harbour, and seeing the enemy guarding the exit from the harbour, was wary of launching his vessels into the harbour; for he was not ignorant that, the mouth being narrow, it was necessary to risk a few ships against many times as many. 50.4. Therefore, with the multitude of his soldiers he easily dragged the ships through the land into the sea outside the harbour and saved them. Himilcon, attacking the foremost triremes, was beaten off by the multitude of missiles; for upon the ships had embarked a multitude of bowmen and slingers, and from the land the Syracusans, using their sharp-bolt catapults, slew many of the enemy; for this missile caused great dismay because it had been first invented at that time; so that Himilcon, being unable to master his undertaking, sailed off to Libya, judging it not of advantage to fight at sea because the enemy's ships were double his own. 51.1. Dionysius, having completed the mole by the multitude of hands at work, brought engines of every kind against the walls, and with rams battered the towers, while with catapults he beat back those fighting on the battlements; he brought also the towers on wheels against the walls, being of six storeys, which he had constructed to the height of the houses. 51.2. The inhabitants of Motye, the danger being now at hand, nevertheless were not dismayed at the force of Dionysius, although they were destitute of allies at that time. Surpassing the besiegers in their love of honour, at first from the greatest masts they set up yards on which they raised men in cradles, and these from lofty positions hurled lighted torches and burning tow with pitch upon the engines of the enemy. 51.3. The flame quickly spreading over the timber, the Sicilians, swiftly bringing help, put it out, while giving frequent strokes with the rams they cast down a part of the wall. When men ran together to the place in throngs from each side, the battle became a hard one. 51.4. For the Sicilians, thinking they had already mastered the city, endured everything for the sake of avenging themselves on the Phoenicians, concerning the wrongs they had earlier suffered from them; while those of the city, setting before their eyes the terrors of captivity and seeing no flight possible either by land or by sea, endured death not ignobly. 51.5. Seeing the protection from the walls taken away, they blocked up the streets, and used the outermost houses as a costly-built wall. Whence the troops of Dionysius came into greater difficulty. 51.6. For having burst inside the wall, and thinking they were already mastering the city, they were wounded from above by those in the houses from commanding positions. 51.7. Nevertheless, bringing up the wooden towers against the first houses, they constructed gangways. The engines being equal to the buildings, the rest of the battle came to be hand to hand. For the Sicilians, throwing down the gangways, forced their way across them onto the houses; 52.1. but the Motyans, reckoning the magnitude of the danger, and their wives and children being before their eyes, fought the more eagerly through fear for them. For some, with their parents standing by and beseeching them not to look on while they were given over to the outrage of the enemy, were roused in their spirits, making no sparing of life; and others, hearing the lament of wives and infant children, were eager to die nobly rather than to see the captivity of their children; 52.2. for it was not possible to flee from the city, since the sea surrounded it and the enemy were masters of the sea. What most struck the Phoenicians with dismay and made them despair was the cruel treatment of the captive Greeks, which they expected to suffer themselves. There was left to them, then, fighting nobly, either to conquer or to die. 52.3. Such a frame of mind having fallen upon the souls of the besieged, it came to pass that the Sicilians fell into much difficulty. 52.4. For, fighting from the gangways laid across, they fared badly both because of the narrowness of the space and because their opponents fought desperately, as men despairing of life; so that some, grappling hand to hand and giving and receiving wounds, died, while others, thrust off by the Motyans and falling from the planks, perished on the ground. 52.5. At last, the siege having gone on in this manner for some days, Dionysius, always toward evening recalling the combatants by the trumpet, broke off the assault. Having brought the Motyans into the habit of this, when on each side the combatants had departed, he sent Archylus the Thurian with the chosen men; 52.6. and he, it being now night, set ladders against the fallen houses, and going up by these and seizing a suitable place, received the troops of Dionysius. 52.7. The Motyans, perceiving what had happened, at once with all haste came to the rescue, and though late for the occasion nevertheless withstood the danger. The battle becoming fierce and many having gone up besides, with difficulty the Sicilians by their numbers wore down those who withstood them.

53.1. Immediately, too, through the mole the whole force of Dionysius burst into the city, and every place was full of the slain; for the Sicilians, eager to requite cruelty with cruelty, slew all in turn, sparing simply no child, no woman, no old man. 53.2. Dionysius, wishing to sell the city into slavery so that money might be gathered, at first tried to restrain the soldiers from killing the captives; but when no one heeded him, and he saw that the impulse of the Sicilians was uncontrollable, he set heralds to declare to the Motyans with a shout to flee to the temples honoured among the Greeks. 53.3. This being done, the soldiers ceased from killing, and rushed to the plunder of the possessions; and there was carried off much silver, no little gold, costly garments, and abundance of the rest of their wealth. The plunder of the city Dionysius gave to the soldiers, wishing to make them eager against the dangers to come. 53.4. After this, he crowned Archylus, who first went up onto the wall, with a hundred minas, and honoured each of the others according to his desert who had shown bravery, and the survivors of the Motyans he sold as booty; but Daimenes and certain of the Greeks who fought along with the Carthaginians, having taken them prisoner, he crucified. 53.5. After this, having appointed guards of the city, he designated Biton the Syracusan garrison-commander; the greater part of the garrison was composed of Sicels. And he ordered Leptines the admiral, with a hundred and twenty ships, to watch for the crossing of the Carthaginians, and instructed him to besiege Aegesta and Entella, as he had from the beginning set himself to ravage them; while he himself, the summer now ending, broke camp with his force for Syracuse. 53.6. At Athens, Sophocles the son of Sophocles began to produce tragedies, and he won twelve victories. 54.1. The annual period having passed, at Athens Phormio received the office, and at Rome, in place of the consuls, there were six military tribunes, Gnaeus Genucius, Lucius Atilius, Marcus Pomponius, Gaius Duilius, Marcus Veturius, Valerius Publilius; and the ninety-sixth Olympiad was held, in which Eupolis the Eleian was victor. 54.2. These having taken over the office, Dionysius the tyrant of the Syracusans, breaking camp from Syracuse with his whole force, burst into the dominion of the Carthaginians. While he was plundering the country, the Halicyaeans, struck with dismay, sent an embassy to him and made an alliance, but the Aegestaeans, attacking the besiegers unexpectedly by night and setting fire to the tents about the camp, brought those in the encampment into great confusion; 54.3. and the flame spreading over a wide area, and the fire becoming uncontrollable, of the soldiers who came to the rescue a few perished, but of the horses most were burned up together with the tents. 54.4. And Dionysius was ravaging the country, none withstanding him, while Leptines the admiral, staying about Motye, watched for the crossing of the enemy. The Carthaginians, learning the magnitude of the force of Dionysius, decided to surpass him much in their preparations. 54.5. Therefore, having appointed Himilcon king according to law, they gathered forces from all Libya, and further from Iberia, summoning some from the allies and hiring others; and in the end they gathered of foot above three hundred thousand, of horse four thousand apart from the chariots; these were four hundred; of warships four hundred, and of those conveying the grain and the engines and the rest of the service more than six hundred, as Ephorus says. 54.6. Timaeus, however, says that the forces transported from Libya were not more than a hundred thousand, and besides these he declares that three myriads more were levied in Sicily. 55.1. Himilcon, giving to all the helmsmen a sealed roll, ordered them to open it when they had put out and to do what was written. This he contrived so that none of the spies should report the voyage to Dionysius; and it was written that they should sail to Panormus. 55.2. Therefore, a favouring wind arising, and all loosing their stern-cables, the cargo-vessels sailed across the open sea, while the triremes sailed along the Libyan coast, skirting the land. The wind being fair, when the first of the sailing cargo-vessels were now visible from Sicily, Dionysius sent out Leptines with thirty triremes, charging him to strike with the rams and destroy all that he overtook. 55.3. He, sailing out in haste and closing with the first, immediately sank some of them with all their crews; the rest, being full and receiving the wind in their sails, easily escaped; nevertheless he sank fifty ships carrying five thousand soldiers and two hundred chariots. 55.4. Himilcon, putting in to Panormus and disembarking his force, led it against the enemy, ordering the triremes to coast along, while he himself, along the way taking Eryx through treachery, encamped against Motye. Dionysius being at this time about Aegesta with his force, Himilcon took Motye by siege. 55.5. The Sicilians being eager to fight it out, Dionysius, both having been driven far from the allied cities, and also his grain-supply failing, judged it of advantage to constitute the war in other places. 55.6. Deciding therefore to break camp, he tried to persuade the Sicani to leave their cities for the present and to march with him; and in return for this he promised to give them better country, equal in extent, and after the conclusion of the war to bring back those who wished to their fatherlands. 55.7. A few of the Sicani, struck with dismay lest, opposing, they should be plundered by the soldiers, consented to what was asked by Dionysius. The Halicyaeans likewise revolted, and sending envoys to the camp of the Carthaginians made an alliance. And Dionysius set out for Syracuse, ravaging the country through which he led his force.

56.1. Himilcon, his affairs proceeding according to his wish, prepared to lead his army against Messene, eager to master it because of the favourable position of the place; for the harbour in it was well suited, able to receive all the ships, being more than six hundred, and by making the parts about the strait his own, Himilcon hoped to block the reinforcements of the Italiotes and to check the fleets from the Peloponnese. 56.2. Having planned to do these things, with the Himeraeans and those dwelling in the stronghold Cephaloedium he made friendship; and becoming master of the city of Lipara, he exacted thirty talents from the inhabitants of the island; he himself with all his force set out for Messene, the ships sailing along beside him. 56.3. And quickly accomplishing the journey, he encamped at Pelorias, a hundred stades distant from Messene. The inhabitants of this city, when they learned of the presence of the enemy, did not all hold the same opinions about the war. 56.4. For some of them, hearing the magnitude of the enemy's force, and seeing the desolation of the allies, and besides their own cavalry being at Syracuse, despaired of safety from the siege. What above all led them to despondency was the fallen walls and the occasion not allowing time for preparation. Therefore they carried out of the city their children and wives and the most costly of their goods to the neighbouring cities. 56.5. But some of the Messenians, hearing that there was an ancient oracle of theirs, that the Carthaginians must carry water in the city, received the rumour in the sense advantageous to themselves, thinking that the Carthaginians would be slaves at Messene. 56.6. Therefore, being of good courage in their souls, they made many also of the rest eager for the dangers on behalf of freedom. And straightway, choosing the best of the younger men, they sent them off to Pelorias to prevent the enemy from setting foot in the country. 57.1. While they were thus occupied, Himilcon, seeing the Messenians coming to the rescue at the place of landing, sent two hundred of the ships against the city; for he hoped, as was likely, that, the soldiers preventing the landing, those in the ships would easily master Messene, since it was destitute of defenders. 57.2. A north wind blowing, it happened that the ships were quickly carried into the harbour with full sails, while the Messenians watching at Pelorias were late for the arrival of the ships, although hastening with all speed. 57.3. Therefore the Carthaginians, encamping about Messene and forcing their way through the fallen walls, mastered the city. 57.4. Of the Messenians some, fighting nobly, were slain, others fled to the nearest cities, and the great multitude, rushing through the neighbouring mountains, were scattered among the strongholds in the countryside; 57.5. of the rest some were taken by the enemy, while some, being cut off in the part toward the harbour, threw themselves into the sea, hoping to swim across the intervening strait. Of these, being more than two hundred, most perished by the current, but fifty came safe to Italy. 57.6. Himilcon, having transferred his whole force to the city, at first attempted to ravage the strongholds in the countryside; but these being strong, and those who had fled into them fighting nobly, he turned back to the city, being unable to master them. After this he refreshed his force and prepared to make his march toward Syracuse. 58.1. The Sicels, long hating Dionysius, and now having an opportunity for revolt, went over to the Carthaginians, all except the Assorini. Dionysius at Syracuse, having freed the slaves, manned out of them sixty ships; he sent for also from the Lacedaemonians more than a thousand mercenaries, and going about the strongholds in the country he fortified them and brought in grain; and most diligently he walled the citadels in Leontini and gathered into them the grain from the plains. 58.2. He persuaded also the Campanians dwelling in Catane to remove to what is now called Aetna, because the stronghold was exceedingly strong. After this, leading the whole force a hundred and sixty stades from Syracuse, he encamped about the place called Taurus. He had at that time thirty thousand foot, cavalry more than three thousand, and a hundred and eighty ships; of these few were triremes. 58.3. Himilcon, razing the walls of Messene, ordered the soldiers to throw down the houses to the ground, and to leave neither tile nor timber nor anything else, but to burn some and break up others. Quickly, the works reaching completion by the multitude of the soldiers' hands, the city was unrecognizable that formerly it had been inhabited. 58.4. For seeing the place to be far separated from the allied cities, but most favourably situated of those about Sicily, he had preferred one of two things, either to keep it wholly uninhabited, or to make its refounding difficult and long. 59.1. Having displayed his hatred toward the Greeks in the misfortune of the Messenians, he sent off Mago the admiral with the naval force, ordering him to sail along to the hill called Taurus. This had been seized by Sicels, who were many in number, but had no leader. 59.2. To these Dionysius had earlier given the country of the Naxians, but at this time, persuaded by the promises of Himilcon, they seized the hill. This being strong, both then and after the war they dwelt in it, throwing a wall about it, and named the city Tauromenium because those who had gathered upon Taurus remained there. 59.3. Himilcon, taking up the infantry, made his march briskly, and came down to the aforesaid place in the country of Naxos, Mago also having put in at the same time. But a fire having lately burst out from Aetna to the sea, it was no longer possible for the infantry to keep beside the ships sailing along; for the places along the sea being destroyed by what is called the lava-stream, it was necessary for the infantry army to go round the hill of Aetna. 59.4. Therefore he ordered Mago to sail to Catane, while he himself, hastening quickly through the interior, was eager to join the ships about the shore of the Cataneans; for he was on his guard lest, the force being divided, the Sicilians fight it out at sea with the troops of Mago; which indeed came to pass. 59.5. For Dionysius, knowing that the voyage was short for Mago, but the march for the infantry laborious and long, hastened to Catane, wishing to fight at sea against Mago before Himilcon should come. 59.6. For he hoped, his infantry being drawn up along the shore, both to give courage to his own men and to make the enemy more timid; but the greatest thing, if any reverse should occur, the hard-pressed ships could take refuge with the army of the infantry. 59.7. Having planned these things, he sent off Leptines with all the ships, ordering him to fight with the vessels in close order and not to break formation, that they might not be endangered by the multitude of the enemy; for Mago's force, with the merchant-ships and the other oared vessels having bronze rams, had ships not fewer than five hundred.

60.1. The Carthaginians, when they saw the shore full of infantry and the Greek ships bearing down, at the moment were not moderately distressed, and attempted to sail in toward the land; but afterward, reckoning that they would risk perishing in fighting at once both against the ships and against the infantry, they quickly changed their mind. Deciding therefore to fight at sea, they drew up their ships and awaited the onset of the enemy. 60.2. Leptines, with the thirty best ships advancing far ahead of the rest, fought not unmanfully, but unwisely. For immediately attacking the foremost of the Carthaginians, at first he sank not a few of the triremes arrayed against him; but Mago having surrounded the thirty ships with his ships in close order, in valour the troops of Leptines were superior, but in numbers the Carthaginians. 60.3. Therefore, the battle becoming more violent, and the helmsmen joining the contest at close quarters, the danger became like the formations on land. For they did not strike at the enemy's ships with their rams from a distance, but the vessels grappling together they fought hand to hand. Some, leaping upon the ships of their opponents, fell into the sea, and others, mastering their attempt, fought on the enemy's ships. 60.4. At last Leptines, overborne, was compelled to flee to the open sea, and the rest of the ships, making their attack in disorder, were overpowered by the Carthaginians; for the reverse about the admiral made the Phoenicians more confident, and brought the Sicilians into no ordinary despondency. 60.5. The battle having taken such an end, the Carthaginians, pursuing more eagerly those who fled in disorder from them, destroyed more than a hundred ships, and stationing their auxiliary vessels along the shore slew the sailors who swam toward the infantry army. 60.6. Many perishing not far from the land, the troops of Dionysius being in no way able to help, the whole place was full of corpses and wreckage. There perished, then, in the sea-battle, of the Carthaginians not a few, but of the Sicilians more than a hundred ships and above twenty thousand men. 60.7. After the battle the Phoenicians, mooring their triremes about Catane, took in tow the captured ships, and hauling them down repaired them, so as to make the magnitude of their advantage to the Carthaginians not only a thing heard of but also seen. 61.1. The Sicilians made their march toward Syracuse, but thinking that they would in any case be shut up in a laborious siege, called upon Dionysius to go at once to meet Himilcon because of the victory that had been won; for perhaps by the surprise of his appearance he would strike dismay into the barbarians and retrieve the former reverse. 61.2. Dionysius at first, yielding to those who urged him, was ready to lead his force against Himilcon; but when some of his friends told him that he would risk losing the city, if Mago should put out with the whole fleet against Syracuse, he immediately changed his mind; for he knew that Messene had become subject to the barbarians in a like manner. So, thinking it not safe to leave the city empty of defenders, he set out for Syracuse. 61.3. Most of the Sicilians, taking it ill that he was unwilling to go to meet the enemy, leaving Dionysius, withdrew, some to their own fatherlands, others to the strongholds nearby. 61.4. Himilcon, in two days having come to the shore of the Cataneans, hauled up all his ships, a great wind having arisen, and refreshing his force for some days sent envoys to the Campanians holding Aetna, calling on them to revolt from Dionysius. 61.5. He promised them that he would bestow much land and would make them sharers in the spoils from the war; and he pointed out that the Campanians dwelling in Entella were content with the Carthaginians and allied with them against the Sicilians, and in general he showed that the race of the Greeks was hostile to the other peoples. 61.6. But the Campanians, having given hostages to Dionysius, and having sent the best of their soldiers to Syracuse, were compelled to keep their alliance with Dionysius, although desiring to change over to the Carthaginians. 62.1. After this Dionysius, struck with dismay by the Carthaginians, sent an envoy to the Greeks of Italy and to the Lacedaemonians, and further to the Corinthians, Polyxenus his brother-in-law, begging them to help and not to look on while the cities of the Greeks in Sicily were utterly destroyed. He sent also enlisters of mercenaries into the Peloponnese with much money, charging them to gather as many soldiers as possible, sparing no expense in wages. 62.2. Himilcon, having adorned his ships with the spoils from the enemy, sailed into the Great Harbour of the Syracusans, and set great dismay upon those in the city. For two hundred and fifty warships sailed in, plying their oars in order and lavishly adorned with the spoils from the war; and after these the cargo-ships, more than three thousand, and carrying more than five hundred, all together being nearly two thousand. Therefore it came to pass that the harbour of the Syracusans, though it was great, was blocked with vessels and almost wholly covered over with sails. 62.3. These having anchored, immediately the infantry army also came marching up on the other side, consisting, as some have recorded, of three hundred thousand foot and three thousand horse. The general of the forces, Himilcon, encamped in the temple of Zeus, while the rest of the multitude encamped in the place nearby, twelve stades distant from the city. 62.4. After this Himilcon led out the whole army, and drew up the force before the walls, challenging the Syracusans to battle. He sailed up also to the harbours with a hundred of the best ships, to strike dismay into those in the city and to compel them to admit that they were inferior also at sea. 62.5. No one daring to come out, he then led his force back to the camp; but after this, for thirty days he went over the country cutting down the trees and ravaging everything, that he might at once fill his soldiers with all manner of spoils and bring those within the walls into despondency.

63.1. He seized also the suburb of Achradine, and plundered the temples of Demeter and Core; for which he quickly paid a fitting penalty for his impiety toward the divine. For his affairs quickly grew worse day by day, and as Dionysius took courage to engage in skirmishes, it came to pass that the Syracusans had the advantage. 63.2. There arose also by night in the camp unaccountable confusions, and they ran together with their arms, as though the enemy were attacking the palisade. There came on also a disease, which became the cause of all evils to them; about which we shall speak a little later, that we may not anticipate in our narrative the proper times. 63.3. Himilcon, then, having thrown a wall about the camp, demolished almost all the tombs nearby, among which were those of Gelon and his wife Demarete, costly in their construction. He built also three forts along the sea, one on Plemmyrium, one in the middle of the harbour, and one by the temple of Zeus; into these he brought down the wine and the grain and the rest of the provisions, thinking the siege would be longer. 63.4. He sent off also the merchant-ships to Sardinia and Libya, that they might convey grain and the other supplies. Polyxenus the brother-in-law of Dionysius came from the Peloponnese and from Italy bringing thirty warships from the allies and as admiral Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian. 64.1. After this Dionysius and Leptines with the warships sailed out, wishing to convoy a supply of food; but the Syracusans, being by themselves and chancing to see a grain-ship bearing in, sailed out against it with five ships, and mastering it brought it into the city. 64.2. When the Carthaginians put out against them with forty ships, the Syracusans manned all their ships, and fighting at sea both mastered the flagship and destroyed twenty-four of the others; and pursuing those that fled as far as the enemy's naval station, they challenged the Carthaginians to a sea-battle. 64.3. They, then, being thrown into confusion by the surprise, kept quiet, while the Syracusans, taking in tow the captured ships, brought them into the city. Elated by their advantage, and reflecting that Dionysius had often been defeated, while they themselves without him had conquered the Carthaginians, they were filled with high spirit. 64.4. Gathering together they talked among themselves, that they looked on while they were slaves to Dionysius, and that too while they had an opportunity for his overthrow; for in the time before they had been disarmed, but now, because of the war, they were masters of their arms. 64.5. Nevertheless, such talk being current, Dionysius sailed in, and gathering an assembly praised the Syracusans and called upon them to be of good courage, promising that he would quickly bring the war to an end. And when he was now about to dissolve the assembly, Theodorus the Syracusan, well esteemed among the cavalry and seeming to be a man of action, ventured to use such words as these about freedom. 65.1. Even if Dionysius has told some falsehoods, yet what was said by him at the last was true, that he would quickly bring the war to an end. This he might be able to do, not by leading us himself—for he has often been defeated—but by giving back to the citizens their ancestral freedom. 65.2. For now no one of us willingly endures the dangers, when victory is no less than defeat; for if defeated we must do what the Carthaginians command, and if victorious we have in Dionysius a master more grievous than they. For the Carthaginians, even if they should master us in war, taking a fixed tribute would not hinder us from governing the city by our ancestral laws; but this man, having plundered the temples, and having taken away the wealth of private persons together with the lives of their owners, pays the servants as wages for the enslavement of their masters; and the terrible things that happen in the captures of cities, these he does in time of peace, and yet promises to end the war against the Carthaginians. 65.3. But for us, men, no less than the Phoenician war, must we end the tyrant within the wall. For the citadel, guarded by the arms of slaves, has been built up as a fortress against the city, and the multitude of mercenaries has been gathered for the enslavement of the Syracusans. And he rules the city, not dispensing justice on equal terms, but as a monarch deciding to do everything by greed. And now the enemy hold a small part of the country, but Dionysius, having made it all desolate, has bestowed it upon those who help to increase his tyranny. 65.4. How long, then, shall we endure to suffer these things, for which the good, that they may not make trial of them, submit to die? And, contending against the Carthaginians, we endure the utmost dangers stout-heartedly, but against a bitter tyrant we do not dare any longer, even in word, to keep free speech on behalf of freedom and of our fatherland; and against so many myriads of the enemy we set ourselves, but at a monarch who has not even the valour of a noble slave we shudder. 66.1. For surely no one would think it right to compare Dionysius with the ancient Gelon. For that man, with his own valour, together with the Syracusans and the other Sicilians, freed all Sicily; but this man, having received the cities in freedom, has made the enemy masters of all the rest, while he himself has enslaved his fatherland. 66.2. And that man, having fought far in advance of Sicily, did not let the allies in the cities even see the enemy; but this man, having fled from Motye through the whole island, has shut himself up within the walls, blustering against the citizens, but not enduring even to look the enemy in the face. 66.3. Therefore that man, both for his valour and for the magnitude of his deeds, received the leadership not only of the Syracusans but also of the Sicilians, with their willing consent; but this man, having generalled for the destruction of the allies and the enslavement of the citizens, how should he not justly be hated by all? For he is not only unworthy of leadership, but also deserves to meet with ten thousand deaths. 66.4. Gela and Camarina were overthrown because of him, Messene has been utterly destroyed, twenty thousand of the allies have perished in the sea-battle, and in sum we have been shut up in a single city, all the Greek cities in Sicily having been destroyed. For, besides his other wrongs, he reduced Naxos and Catane to slavery, allied cities, favourably situated cities, he has utterly destroyed. 66.5. And against the Carthaginians, having joined two battles, in each he has been defeated; but among the citizens, having once been entrusted with a generalship, he immediately took away their freedom, slaying those who kept free speech on behalf of the laws, banishing those pre-eminent in their possessions, and giving the wives of the exiles to slaves and to mongrel men, and making barbarians and foreigners masters of the citizens' arms. And these things he did, O Zeus and all the gods, a servant of magistrates' offices, a man given up for lost. 67.1. And where is the love of freedom of the Syracusans? Where the deeds of their forefathers? I pass over the three hundred thousand Carthaginians utterly destroyed at Himera, I leave aside the overthrow of the tyrants after Gelon; but yesterday and the day before, when the Athenians marched against Syracuse with so great forces, our fathers did not leave even the man to report the disaster. 67.2. But we, having such great examples of our fathers' valour, obey the commands of Dionysius, and this too when we are masters of our arms? Some providence of the gods, with our allies, has brought us together in arms for the recovery of freedom, and it is in our power today, having become good men and being of one mind, to be rid of grievous necessity. 67.3. For in the time before, being disarmed and destitute of allies, and held down by the multitude of the mercenaries, we yielded, as it were, to the necessity of the occasion; but now, being masters of our arms and having the allies at once as helpers and as spectators of our valour, let us not give way, but make it manifest that it was because of the occasion, not from cowardice, that we endured to be slaves. 67.4. Are we not ashamed to have as leader of the wars one who has plundered the temples in the city, and to make him champion of such great matters, to whom no one in his right mind would entrust the management of a private life? And while others, in their wars, most of all observe the duties toward the gods because of the magnitude of the dangers, do we hope that the man notorious for impiety will bring the war to an end?

68.1. And yet, if one wishes to seek out the exact truth, he will find that Dionysius fears peace no less than war. For now, because of the fear from the enemy, he thinks the Syracusans will attempt nothing against him; but, the Carthaginians being subdued, that they will lay hold of freedom, being masters of their arms and high-spirited because of their deeds. 68.2. For this reason, I think, in the first war, having betrayed Gela and Camarina, he made these uninhabited, and in the treaty he agreed to give up most of the Greek cities. 68.3. After this, in time of peace, treacherously enslaving Naxos and Catane, the one he razed, the other he gave for a dwelling to the Campanians from Italy. 68.4. And when, those cities having been destroyed, the survivors often attempted to overthrow the tyranny, he again proclaimed war against the Carthaginians; for he was not so cautious about breaking the treaty contrary to his oaths as he feared the surviving combinations of the Sicilians. And indeed he is plainly seen to have been ever awake to their destruction. 68.5. And first, when he was able to draw up against the enemy at Panormus, as they were disembarking from the ships and their bodies were in ill condition because of the tossing, he was unwilling; after this, looking on while Messene, a favourable and so great a city, was left without help, he allowed it to be razed, that not only as many as possible of the Sicilians should be destroyed, but also that the Carthaginians might block the reinforcements from Italy and the fleets from the Peloponnese. 68.6. And lastly, he fought it out on the shore of the Cataneans, neglecting to constitute the battle by the city, so that those who were worsted might take refuge in their own harbours. After the sea-battle, great winds having arisen and the Carthaginians being compelled to haul up their fleet, he had the fairest opportunity of conquering; 68.7. for the infantry army of the enemy had not yet come up, and the magnitude of the storm was dashing their ships upon the shore. Then, had we all together attacked by land, they would have been compelled, in disembarking, either to be easily taken, or, forcing their way against the waves, to fill the shore with wreckage. 69.1. But to accuse Dionysius further among the Syracusans I think not necessary. For if those who by the very deeds have suffered incurable wrongs are not roused in their spirits, how indeed shall they be moved by words to take vengeance upon this man, and that too having seen him to have become the most wicked of citizens, the most bitter of tyrants, and the most ignoble of all generals? 69.2. For as often as we were drawn up in battle with him, so often were we defeated; but now, by ourselves with a few ships, we have conquered at sea the whole force of the enemy. Therefore we must seek another leader, that, having as general in the war one who has plundered the temples of the gods, we may not fight against the gods. 69.3. For plainly the divinity opposes those who have set forward the most impious man to the leadership. For that with this man all the forces should be defeated, but without him even a small part should be sufficient to overcome the Carthaginians—how does this not have the manifestation of the gods visible to all? 69.4. Therefore, men, if he willingly lays aside his rule, let us allow him to depart with his own people from the city; but if he will not, we have the fairest opportunity, the present one, to lay hold of freedom. We have all come together, we are masters of our arms, we have present as allies not only the Greeks from Italy but also those from the Peloponnese. 69.5. And the leadership must be given, according to the laws, to citizens, or to the Corinthians who dwell in the mother-city, or to the Spartans who are leaders of Greece. 70.1. Theodorus having used such words, the Syracusans were lifted up in their spirits and looked toward the allies; and when Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, the admiral of the allies, came forward to the platform, all expected that he would be the author of their freedom. 70.2. But he, being on intimate terms with the tyrant, said that he had been sent by the Lacedaemonians to the Syracusans and Dionysius to be their ally against the Carthaginians, not to dissolve the rule of Dionysius. This declaration being contrary to expectation, the mercenaries ran together to Dionysius, while the Syracusans, struck with dismay, kept quiet, calling down many curses on the Spartans; 70.3. for in the time before, Aretes the Lacedaemonian, while laying hold of their freedom for them, had become a traitor, and now Pharacidas opposed the impulses of the Syracusans. Dionysius then at that moment became greatly afraid and dissolved the assembly, but afterward, using kindly words, he conversed familiarly with the multitude, and some he honoured with gifts, others he took in to his common meals. 70.4. Upon the Carthaginians, after the seizure of the suburb and the plundering of the temple of Demeter and Core, there fell a disease upon the army; and there contributed to the calamity from the divinity both the gathering together of so many myriads into the same place, and the season of the year being most effective for diseases, and besides that that summer had unusual heats. 70.5. It seems too that the place was a cause of the excess of the calamity; for the Athenians also formerly, having the same camp, many of them perished by the disease, the place being marshy and hollow. 70.6. First, before the sun rose, because of the coldness from the breeze off the waters, a shivering held their bodies; but about midday the heat stifled them, as so great a multitude was gathered in a narrow space. 71.1. The disease, then, first laid hold of the Libyans, of whom, when many were dying, at first they buried the dead, but afterward, both because of the multitude of corpses and because those who nursed the sick were carried off by the disease, no one dared to approach the suffering. The nursing being thus taken away, the calamity was without remedy. 71.2. For because of the stench of the unburied and the rottenness from the marshes, the disease first began with a catarrh; after this there came swellings about the neck; from this, little by little, followed fevers and pains of the sinews about the spine and heaviness of the legs; then came on dysentery and pustules over the whole surface of the body. 71.3. For most, then, such was the affliction; but some fell into madness and forgetfulness of all things, who, going about the camp out of their senses, struck those they met. And in general it came to pass that even the help from the physicians was of no avail, both because of the magnitude of the affliction and the swiftness of death; for on the fifth or at most the sixth day they passed away, enduring terrible torments, so that those who had died in the war were counted blessed by all. 71.4. For those who sat by the sick all fell into the disease, so that the calamity of the sick was a dreadful one, no one being willing to serve the unfortunate. For not only did those who were no kin abandon one another, but brothers were compelled to forsake brothers, and friends their intimates, because of fear for themselves.

72.1. Dionysius, when he heard of the calamity among the Carthaginians, manning eighty ships ordered Pharacidas and Leptines the admirals at daybreak to make their attack upon the enemy's ships, while he himself, it being a moonless night, led his force around, and going round to the temple of Cyane he came upon the enemy unseen at daybreak as he approached the camp. 72.2. The cavalry and a thousand mercenary foot he sent forward to the part of the Carthaginian encampment extending toward the interior. These were the mercenaries most alien to Dionysius and most often making factions and disturbances. 72.3. Therefore Dionysius had ordered the cavalry, when they engaged the enemy, to flee and abandon the mercenaries; these doing what was commanded, the mercenaries were all cut down, while Dionysius at the same time attempted to besiege both the camp and the forts; and the barbarians being struck with dismay because of the surprise and coming to the rescue in disorder, he himself took the fort called Polichne by storm, while on the other side the cavalry and some of the triremes, sailing up, took by siege the place by Dascon. 72.4. Immediately all the ships made their attack, and at the captures of the forts, the army having raised the war-cry, the barbarians were thrown into utter dread. For at first all ran together to the infantry army, defending themselves against those besieging the camp; but when they saw the attack of the ships also, again they came to the rescue at the naval station; and being forestalled by the swiftness of the occasion, their own zeal was rendered ineffectual. 72.5. For while they were still going up onto the decks and manning the triremes, the enemy's ships, driven by their oars, often struck them broadside. Now from one well-aimed blow they sank the ships that were struck; while others, breaking up by many rammings the planks fastened together with bolts, caused dreadful consternation to those arrayed against them. 72.6. The most prominent ships being shattered on every side, the splinters torn off by the rammings made an extraordinary crash, and the shore extending along the battle was full of corpses. 73.1. The Syracusans, vying with one another in their advantage, in great eagerness raced one another in leaping onto the enemy's ships, and pouring round the barbarians, struck with dismay at the magnitude of their plight, they slew them. 73.2. Nor indeed were those who attacked the naval station on foot left behind in their eagerness; among whom it happened that Dionysius himself was, having ridden up to the part by Dascon. For finding forty fifty-oared ships hauled up, and continuously moored merchant-ships and some of the triremes, they put fire into them. 73.3. The flame quickly being raised aloft and pouring over a wide area, the vessels were ablaze, and none of the merchants or shipmasters was able to help because of the multitude of the fire. A great wind arising, the fire was carried from the hauled-up vessels to the merchant-ships at anchor. 73.4. The men swimming out because of the fear from the suffocation, and the anchor-cables being burned through, the ships, because of the swell, crashed against one another, and some, shattered by one another, were destroyed, others, driven by the wind, but most perished by the fire. 73.5. There, indeed, the flame of the merchant-ships being carried up through the sails and burning the yards, it came to pass that the spectacle was theatrical to those from the city, and that the destruction of the barbarians appeared like that of those struck by the thunderbolt for their impiety. 74.1. Therefore, lifted up by their good fortune, they manned the ferry-boats, both the eldest of the boys and those past their prime who were not yet wholly worn down by old age; and sailing in throngs at random to the ships in the harbour, they plundered those already destroyed by the fire, picking out of the serviceable things those that could still be of use, while the unharmed they took in tow and brought into the city. 74.2. Thus not even those released from the things of war because of their ages could restrain themselves, but because of the excess of joy the ambition of the soul overcame their age. When the report about the victory ran through the city, they left their houses, children and women together with the household slaves, and all hastening to the walls, every place was full of spectators. 74.3. Of these some, stretching their hands toward heaven, gave thanks to the gods, while others said that the barbarians had received from the divinity the penalty for the plundering of the temples. 74.4. For the spectacle from a distance appeared like a battle with the gods, so many ships being burned, the flame being carried up to a height through the sails, and the Greeks, at each of their advantages, signalling with an extraordinary shout, while the barbarians, because of the consternation of the terror, made much tumult and a confused outcry. 74.5. Nevertheless, then, night having come on, the battle was broken off, and Dionysius encamped against the barbarians, making his camp by the temple of Zeus. 75.1. The Carthaginians, defeated by land and sea at once, sent envoys to Dionysius secretly from the Syracusans; they asked him to let the survivors be conveyed to Libya, and promised to give him the three hundred talents in the camp. 75.2. Dionysius declared that it was impossible for all to flee, but he agreed that the citizen-soldiers alone should depart secretly by night by sea; for he knew that the Syracusans and the allies would not permit him to grant these terms to the enemy. 75.3. This Dionysius did, not wishing the force of the Carthaginians to be utterly destroyed, that the Syracusans, because of the fear from these, might never have leisure to lay hold of freedom. Dionysius, then, having agreed with the Carthaginians for the flight by night on the fourth day, led his army back to the city; 75.4. and Himilcon, by night having conveyed the three hundred talents to the citadel, delivered them to those stationed on the Island by the tyrant; and he himself, when the appointed time was come, manned by night forty triremes of the citizens, and leaving behind all the rest of the army, set out to flee. 75.5. When he had now sailed out of the harbour, some of the Corinthians perceived his flight, and quickly reported it to Dionysius. But while he was calling the soldiers to arms and at leisure gathering the commanders, the Corinthians did not wait for him, but quickly putting out against the Carthaginians and vying with one another at the oars, overtook the last of the Phoenician ships, which, striking with their rams, they sank. 75.6. After this Dionysius led out his force, while the Sicels who were allied with the Carthaginians, forestalling the Syracusans, fled through the interior, and almost all came safe to their fatherlands. 75.7. And Dionysius, having occupied the roads with guards, led his force against the encampment of the enemy while it was still night; and the barbarians, abandoned by their general and by the Carthaginians, and besides by the Sicels, were despondent, and struck with dismay fled. 75.8. Some, falling in on the roads with the outposts, were taken; but most, throwing away their arms, met them, begging for their lives to be spared; only the Iberians, gathered together with their arms, sent a herald about an alliance. 75.9. Dionysius, making a truce with these, ranged the Iberians among his mercenaries, while the rest of the multitude he took alive, and gave up the rest of the baggage to the soldiers to plunder.

76.1. Thus, then, fortune made a swift reversal for the Carthaginians, and showed to all men that those who exalt themselves more than is fitting quickly prove their own weakness. 76.2. For they, being masters of almost all the cities in Sicily except Syracuse, and expecting that this too would be taken, were suddenly compelled to fear for their own fatherland; and having overturned the tombs of the Syracusans, they looked upon fifteen myriads of their own heaped up unburied because of the plague, and having set fire to the country of the Syracusans, by a reversal they immediately saw their own fleet set ablaze; and sailing into the harbour with all their force arrogantly, and displaying to the Syracusans their own good fortunes, they did not know that they themselves were about to flee by night and to leave their allies given up to the enemy. 76.3. The general himself, who had made the temple of Zeus his tent and a revenue out of the wealth plundered from the temples, fled shamefully with a few to Carthage, that he might not, by paying the death owed to nature, become guiltless of his impieties, but might have in his fatherland a notorious life, reviled by all. 76.4. To such a depth of misfortune did he come that, in the meanest garment, he went round the temples in the city accusing his own impiety, and paying to the divinity an acknowledged penalty for his sins against the gods. And at the last, having condemned himself to death, he starved himself, leaving to the citizens much superstitious fear; for fortune at once heaped upon them also the other things relating to the war. 77.1. For the disaster being proclaimed throughout Libya, the allies, long hating the weight of the Carthaginian supremacy, then because of the betrayal of the soldiers at Syracuse, much more kindled their hatred against them. 77.2. Therefore, at once impelled by anger and at the same time despising them because of their misfortune, they laid hold of freedom. Sending embassies to one another, they gathered a force, and advancing encamped in the open. 77.3. Quickly not only free men but also slaves running together, in a short time twenty myriads were gathered. Seizing Tunis, a city lying not far from Carthage, from this they drew up in battle, and having the advantage in the engagements shut up the Phoenicians within their walls. 77.4. The Carthaginians, plainly warred upon by the gods, at first, coming together in small groups, were thrown into confusion and supplicated the divinity to cease from its anger; but after this, superstition and dread seized the whole city, each anticipating in his mind the enslavement of the city. Therefore they voted by every means to propitiate the gods who had been outraged. 77.5. Since they had received in their rites neither Core nor Demeter, they appointed as priests of these the most distinguished of the citizens, and with all solemnity having established the goddesses, they made the sacrifices in the manner of the Greeks; and selecting the most refined of the Greeks among them, they appointed them to the service of the goddesses. After this they constructed ships and diligently prepared the things for the war. 77.6. The rebels, being a mixed multitude, neither had leaders of sufficient worth, but, the greatest thing, their provisions failed because of the multitude, while to the Carthaginians supplies were brought by sea from Sardinia, and they fell into faction with one another about the leadership, and some of them, corrupted with money by the Carthaginians, abandoned the common hopes. Whence, both because of the scarcity of food and because of certain betrayals, these, dispersing to their fatherlands, freed the Carthaginians from their greatest fear. And the affairs in Libya were in this state. 78.1. Dionysius, seeing the mercenaries most alien toward him, and fearing lest through these he should be overthrown, at first seized Aristotle their leader, 78.2. but after this, when the multitude ran together with their arms and demanded their pay more bitterly, he said he was sending Aristotle to Lacedaemon to undergo trial among his own citizens, and to the mercenaries, being about ten thousand in number, he gave as their pay the city and territory of the Leontines. 78.3. They gladly obeying because of the beauty of the country, these, having allotted it, dwelt in Leontini, while Dionysius, enlisting other mercenaries, entrusted his rule to these and to the freed household-slaves. 78.4. After the disaster of the Carthaginians, the survivors of the cities in Sicily that had been enslaved gathered together, and recovering their own fatherlands restored themselves. 78.5. Dionysius settled in Messene a thousand Locrians, four thousand Medmaeans, and six hundred of the Messenians from the Peloponnese who were in exile from Zacynthus and Naupactus. But seeing the Lacedaemonians offended that the Messenians, who had been cast out by them, were settled in a notable city, he transferred them from Messene, and giving them a place by the sea, he cut off a portion of the territory of Abacaenum and assigned them as much as he himself cut off. 78.6. The Messenians named the city Tyndaris, and governing themselves with goodwill toward one another and enrolling many as citizens, they quickly became more than five thousand. 78.7. After this, marching often into the country of the Sicels, he took Menaenum and Morgantine, and with Agyris the tyrant of the Agyrinaeans and Damon the ruler of the Centoripines, and besides the Herbitaeans and Assorini, he made treaties; he took also through treachery Cephaloedium and Solus and Enna; and besides these he made peace with the Herbessini. And the affairs in Sicily were in this state.

79.1. In Greece the Lacedaemonians, foreseeing the magnitude of the war against the Persians, set Agesilaus, one of their two kings, over affairs. He, choosing six thousand soldiers and appointing thirty of the citizens, the best, to the council, transported the force from Aulis to Ephesus. 79.2. There, enlisting four thousand, he led his force out into the open, being of ten thousand foot and four hundred horse; and there followed them a crowd of camp-followers, also no fewer than the aforesaid, for the sake of plunder. 79.3. Passing through the Caystrian plain, he ravaged the country subject to the Persians, until he came to Cyme. Setting out from there, he continued for most of the summer to plunder Phrygia and the regions adjoining it, and having filled his force with spoils, toward autumn he returned to Ephesus. 79.4. While these things were being done, the Lacedaemonians sent envoys to Nephereus the king of Egypt about an alliance, who in return for the help gave the Spartans equipment for a hundred triremes, and fifty myriads of grain. Pharax the admiral of the Lacedaemonians, putting out from Rhodes with a hundred and twenty ships, put in at Sasanda in Caria, a stronghold distant a hundred and fifty stades from Caunus. 79.5. Setting out from there, he besieged Caunus, and Conon, who held the command of the royal fleet and was staying in Caunus with forty ships. But when Artaphernes and Pharnabazus came to the help of the Caunians with a large force, Pharax raised the siege and with his whole fleet departed to Rhodes. 79.6. After this Conon, having gathered eighty triremes, sailed to the Chersonese, and the Rhodians, casting out the Peloponnesian fleet, revolted from the Lacedaemonians and received Conon with his whole fleet into the city. 79.7. The Lacedaemonians who were conveying the grain given by Egypt, being ignorant of the revolt of the Rhodians, confidently sailed toward the island; but the Rhodians and Conon the admiral of the Persians, bringing the ships into the harbours, filled the city with grain. 79.8. There came to Conon ninety triremes, ten from Cilicia and eighty from Phoenicia, of which the ruler of the Sidonians had the command. 80.1. After this Agesilaus, leading his force out into the Caystrian plain and the country about Sipylus, ravaged the possessions of the natives; while Tissaphernes, having gathered ten thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, followed the Lacedaemonians and slew those who strayed from the formation in the foraging. Agesilaus, drawing up his soldiers in a square, kept to the foot of the mountain by Sipylus, watching for a fit opportunity for an attack upon the enemy. 80.2. Going over the country as far as Sardis, he destroyed the gardens and the park of Tissaphernes, planted and otherwise elaborated at great cost for luxury and for the enjoyment of good things in peace. After this, turning back, when he came to be midway between Sardis and Thybarnae, he sent Xenocles the Spartan with fourteen hundred soldiers by night into a certain wooded place, to ambush the barbarians. 80.3. He himself at daybreak marching with his force, when he had passed the ambush, and the barbarians falling upon him in disorder harassed those in the rearguard, unexpectedly and suddenly turned upon the Persians. A fierce battle taking place, and the signal having been raised to those in the ambush, they, having sung the paean, bore down upon the enemy; and the Persians, seeing themselves taken in the middle, were struck with dismay and immediately fled. 80.4. The troops of Agesilaus, pursuing for a certain distance, slew above six thousand, and gathered a great multitude of captives, and plundered the camp, which was full of many good things. 80.5. After the battle Tissaphernes withdrew to Sardis, struck with dismay at the daring of the Lacedaemonians; while Agesilaus attempted to advance into the upper satrapies, but being unable to obtain favourable omens in the sacrifices, he led his force back to the sea. 80.6. Artaxerxes the King of Asia, learning of the reverses and fearing the war against the Greeks, was angry with Tissaphernes. For he supposed him to have been the cause of the war; and he had been asked by his mother Parysatis to take vengeance on Tissaphernes; for she was at variance with him, because he had slandered her son Cyrus, when he made the expedition against his brother. 80.7. Therefore, appointing Tithraustes commander, he ordered him to arrest Tissaphernes, and to the cities and the satraps he sent letters that all should do what was ordered by him. 80.8. Tithraustes, coming to Colossae in Phrygia, arrested Tissaphernes through a certain Ariaeus, a satrap, while he was bathing, and cutting off his head sent it to the King; and he himself, persuading Agesilaus to come to a conference, made a six-month truce.

81.1. The affairs in Asia being ordered in this manner, the Phocians, falling into war with the Boeotians from certain charges, persuaded the Lacedaemonians to ally themselves against the Boeotians. And at first they sent them Lysander with a few soldiers, who, entering Phocis, gathered a force; after this Pausanias the king also was sent out with six thousand soldiers. 81.2. The Boeotians, having persuaded the Athenians to share in the war, for the present set out by themselves, and found Haliartus being besieged by Lysander and the Phocians. A battle taking place, both Lysander fell and many of the Lacedaemonians and the allies, while of the Boeotians the whole phalanx quickly turned back from the pursuit, but about two hundred of the Thebans, too rashly giving themselves to rough ground, were slain. 81.3. This war, then, was called Boeotian, and Pausanias the king of the Lacedaemonians, learning of the defeat, made a truce with the Boeotians and led his force away toward the Peloponnese. 81.4. Conon the admiral of the Persians set over the fleet Hieronymus and Nicodemus, who were Athenians, while he himself, eager to meet the King, coasted to Cilicia, and from there going to Thapsacus in Syria, sailed up the river Euphrates to Babylon. 81.5. There, meeting the King, he undertook to defeat the Lacedaemonians at sea, if he should provide him money and the rest of the equipment according to his own purpose. 81.6. Artaxerxes, praising him and honouring him with great gifts, appointed him a treasurer who should furnish a quantity of money, as much as Conon should order, and gave him authority to take for the war as fellow-commander whomever of the Persians he should choose. Conon, then, having chosen Pharnabazus the satrap, went down to the sea, having arranged everything according to his own mind. 82.1. This year having passed, at Athens Diophantus received the office, and at Rome, in place of the consuls, six military tribunes administered the consular office, Lucius Valerius, Marcus Furius, Quintus Servilius, Quintus Sulpicius. These having taken over the office, the Boeotians and Athenians, and besides these the Corinthians and Argives, made an alliance with one another. 82.2. For, the Lacedaemonians being hated by the allies because of the weight of their oversight, they thought they would easily dissolve their supremacy, having the greatest cities in agreement. And first, having constituted a common council at Corinth, they sent those who should deliberate and managed in common the affairs of the war; after this, sending envoys to the cities, they detached many of the allies from the Lacedaemonians; 82.3. for at once all Euboea attached itself to them, and the Leucadians, and besides these the Acarnanians and Ambraciots and the Chalcidians by Thrace. 82.4. They attempted also to persuade those dwelling in the Peloponnese to revolt from the Lacedaemonians, but no one heeded them; for Sparta, lying on their flank like a kind of citadel, was a garrison over the whole Peloponnese. 82.5. Medius, the ruler of Larissa in Thessaly, being at war with Lycophron the tyrant of Pherae, and asking them to send help, the council sent him two thousand soldiers; 82.6. and Medius, when the alliance came to him, took Pharsalus, garrisoned by the Lacedaemonians, and sold its inhabitants as booty. After this the Boeotians with the Argives took Heraclea in Trachis, having separated from Medius; and by night, brought within the walls by certain men, they slaughtered the Lacedaemonians who were caught, but allowed those from the Peloponnese, having their possessions, to depart. 82.7. Sending for the Trachinians who were in exile from their fatherlands because of the Lacedaemonians, they gave them the city to dwell in, who indeed were the most ancient inhabitants of this country. After this Ismenias the leader of the Boeotians left the Argives in the city for a guard, while he himself, persuading the Aenianians and Athamanes to revolt from the Lacedaemonians, gathered soldiers from these and from the allies; having in all a little short of six thousand, he marched into Phocis. 82.8. While he was encamping at Naryca in Locris, from which they say Ajax was born, the multitude of the Phocians met him with their arms, Alcisthenes the Laconian having the command. 82.9. A battle taking place fierce for a long time, the Boeotians prevailed, and pursuing those who fled until night slew a little short of a thousand, while of their own they lost in the battle about five hundred. 82.10. After the engagement both sides broke up their army to their own fatherlands; and those who led the council to Corinth, since affairs were going according to their mind, gathered from all the cities soldiers to Corinth, more than fifteen thousand foot and about five hundred horse. 83.1. The Lacedaemonians, seeing the greatest cities of Greece combining against them, voted both to summon Agesilaus from Asia with the force under him, and themselves meanwhile, having gathered from their own and from the allies twenty-three thousand foot and five hundred horse, went to meet the enemy. 83.2. A battle taking place by the river Nemea until night, the parts of the army on each side had the advantage; and of the Lacedaemonians and the allies eleven hundred fell, of the Boeotians and the other allies about two thousand eight hundred. 83.3. Agesilaus, having transported his force from Asia into Europe, at first, some of the Thracians meeting him with a large army, both conquered them in battle and slew most of the barbarians; after this he made his march through Macedonia, passing through the same country through which Xerxes also marched, at the time when he campaigned against the Greeks. 83.4. Agesilaus, then, marching through Macedonia and Thessaly, when he had passed the narrows about Thermopylae, . . . made his march. Conon the Athenian and Pharnabazus had the command of the royal fleet, and were staying about Loryma in the Chersonese, having more than ninety triremes. 83.5. Learning that the naval force of the enemy was at Cnidus, they prepared for the sea-battle. Pisander the admiral of the Lacedaemonians sailed out of Cnidus with eighty-five triremes, and put in at Physcus in the Chersonese. 83.6. Setting out from there, he fell in with the King's fleet, and engaging with the ships sailing ahead had the advantage; but the Persians coming to the rescue with their triremes in close order, when all the allies fled toward the land, he turned his own ship about, thinking it shameful and unworthy of Sparta to flee ignobly. 83.7. Fighting brilliantly and slaying many of the enemy, at the last he was slain fighting worthily of his fatherland. The troops of Conon, pursuing the Lacedaemonians as far as the land, mastered fifty triremes; of the men, most, swimming out, fled by land, and about five hundred were taken; the remaining triremes came safe to Cnidus.

84.1. Agesilaus, having taken on soldiers from the Peloponnese, when he advanced with his force into Boeotia, immediately the Boeotians with their allies met him at Coronea. A battle taking place, the Thebans routed the part opposite them and pursued as far as the camp, while the others, holding out a little while, were compelled by Agesilaus and the rest to flee. 84.2. Therefore the Lacedaemonians, reckoning that they had conquered in the battle, set up a trophy and gave back the dead to the enemy under truce. There died of the Boeotians and the allies more than six hundred, and of the Lacedaemonians and those who fought with them three hundred and fifty; and Agesilaus himself, having fallen in with many wounds, was conveyed to Delphi, and there he had his body cared for. 84.3. Pharnabazus and Conon, after the sea-battle, put out with all their ships against the allies of the Lacedaemonians. And first they caused the Coans to revolt, then the Nisyrians and Teians. After this the Chians, casting out the garrison, attached themselves to Conon; and likewise changed over the Mitylenaeans and Ephesians and Erythraeans. 84.4. Such an eagerness for change fell upon the cities, of which some, casting out the garrisons of the Lacedaemonians, kept their freedom, while others attached themselves to Conon. And the Lacedaemonians from this time lost the empire of the sea, while Conon, having decided to sail with the whole fleet against Attica, set out, and bringing over the Cyclades islands sailed to the island of Cythera. 84.5. Immediately mastering this at the first assault, they sent out the Cytherians under truce to Laconia, and themselves, leaving in the city a sufficient garrison, sailed to Corinth. There, putting in, they conferred with the councillors about what they wished, and making an alliance left them money, while they themselves sailed off to Asia. 84.6. About the same time Aeropus the king of the Macedonians died of disease, having reigned six years; and his son Pausanias, succeeding to the rule, reigned a year. 84.7. Theopompus the Chian closed his account of Greek affairs at this year and at the sea-battle off Cnidus, having written twelve books. This historian began from the sea-battle off Cynossema, at which Thucydides ended his work, and he wrote of a period of seventeen years. 85.1. When the annual period had passed, at Athens Eubulides was archon, and at Rome six military tribunes administered the consular office, Lucius Sergius, Aulus Postumius, Publius Cornelius, Quintus Manlius. 85.2. About these times Conon, holding the command of the royal fleet, sailing with eighty triremes into the Piraeus, promised the citizens that he would rebuild the circuit-wall of the city; for the walls of the Piraeus and the long legs had been torn down according to the treaty with the Lacedaemonians, when they were worn down in the Peloponnesian War. 85.3. Conon, then, hiring a multitude of craftsmen, and giving over the crowd from the crews for service, quickly rebuilt the greater part of the wall; for the Thebans also sent five hundred craftsmen and stone-cutters, and certain other of the cities came to the aid. 85.4. Tiribazus, the leader of the infantry forces in Asia, envied the successes of Conon, and taking as a pretext that he was acquiring cities for the Athenians with the royal forces, he led him up to Sardis, arrested him, and binding him put him in prison. 86.1. At Corinth some of those who desired democracy, banding together, while games were being held in the theatre, made a slaughter and filled the city with faction; and the Argives joining in their daring, they slaughtered a hundred and twenty of the citizens and banished five hundred. 86.2. When the Lacedaemonians prepared to bring them back and were gathering a force, the Athenians and Boeotians came to the aid of the murderers, that they might make the city their own. 86.3. And the exiles with the Lacedaemonians and the allies, coming against Lechaeum and the naval station by night, took it by storm; on the next day, those of the city coming out, whom Iphicrates led, a battle took place, in which the Lacedaemonians, conquering, slew not a few. 86.4. After this the Boeotians and Athenians, and besides these the Argives and Corinthians, with their whole force coming to Lechaeum, at first, besieging the place within the cross-wall, forced their way in; but after this, the Lacedaemonians and the exiles fighting brilliantly, the Boeotians and all those with them were thrust out. These, then, having lost about a thousand of the soldiers, withdrew to the city. 86.5. Immediately, the Isthmian games coming on, they disputed about the conduct of the contest; and after much contention the Lacedaemonians prevailed and made the exiles conduct the contest. 86.6. The terrible events of the war having occurred near Corinth, this war was called the Corinthian, and it lasted eight years.

87.1. In Sicily the Rhegians, charging Dionysius with fortifying Messene to prepare against them, first received those banished by Dionysius and acting against him; after this, settling the survivors of the Naxians and Cataneans in Mylae, they prepared a force and sent out as general Heloris to besiege Messene. 87.2. He having made his attack against the citadel recklessly, the Messenians holding the city and the mercenaries of Dionysius, banding together, met him. A battle taking place, the Messenians conquered and slew more than five hundred. 87.3. Immediately advancing against Mylae, they took the city, and the Naxians settled in it they let go under truce. These, then, departing to the Sicels and the other Greek cities, dwelt some in one place, some in another; 87.4. and Dionysius, the places about the strait having been made friendly to him, was planning to lead his army against Rhegium, but was troubled by the Sicels who had seized Tauromenium. 87.5. Therefore, judging it of advantage to attack these first, he led his force against them, and encamping on the side toward Naxos persevered in the siege through the winter, thinking the Sicels would abandon the hill because they had not long inhabited it. 88.1. But the Sicels, having received from their fathers from of old that, while the Sicels held these parts of the island, the Greeks, having first sailed there, founded Naxos and drove out from this hill the Sicels then dwelling there; therefore, saying that they were recovering their ancestral country and justly avenging themselves for the wrongs the Greeks had committed against their forefathers, they were ambitious to hold the hill. 88.2. The rivalry being excessive on both sides, it happened to be the winter solstice, and because of the storms that came on, the place about the citadel was full of snow. Then indeed Dionysius, finding the Sicels, because of the strength and the great height of the wall, careless about the guard at the citadel, set out on a moonless and stormy night for the highest places. 88.3. Having suffered much hardship both because of the difficulty of the precipices and the multitude of the snow, he mastered one citadel, and his face was blistered and his sight injured by the cold; but after this, bursting into the other part, he led his force into the city. The Sicels coming to the rescue in throngs, the troops of Dionysius were thrust out, and he himself, struck in the breastplate in the flight, was rolled over, and was within a little of being taken alive. 88.4. The Sicels pressing upon them from commanding positions, there were slain of the troops of Dionysius more than six hundred, and most of them threw away their full armour; and Dionysius himself saved only his breastplate. 88.5. After this misfortune the Acragantines and Messenians, removing those who favoured Dionysius, laid hold of freedom and revolted from the alliance of the tyrant. 89.1. Pausanias the king of the Lacedaemonians, accused by the citizens, went into exile, having ruled fourteen years; and his son Agesipolis, succeeding to the kingship, ruled the same length of time as his father. 89.2. Pausanias the king of the Macedonians also died, slain by Amyntas through treachery, having ruled a year; and Amyntas held the kingdom, and ruled twenty-four years. 90.1. This year having passed, at Athens Demostratus took over the office, and at Rome six military tribunes administered the consular office, Lucius Titinius, 90.2. Publius Licinius, Publius Maelius, Quintus Manlius, Gnaeus Genucius, Lucius Atilius. These having taken over the office, Mago the general of the Carthaginians was staying in Sicily, and was recovering the affairs of the Carthaginians from the disaster that had occurred; 90.3. for he behaved kindly toward the subject cities and received those warred upon by Dionysius. He made alliances also with most of the Sicels, and gathering forces marched into Messenia. Having plundered the country and gained possession of much spoil, he broke camp and encamped by Abacaene, an allied city. 90.4. Dionysius coming up with his force, they drew up against each other, and a fierce battle taking place the troops of Dionysius conquered. And the Carthaginians, having lost more than eight hundred, fled into the city, while Dionysius then withdrew to Syracuse, but after some days, manning a hundred triremes, marched against the Rhegians. 90.5. Appearing unexpectedly by night at the city, he set fire to the gates and set ladders against the walls. The Rhegians at first, a few coming to the rescue, attempted to put out the flame, but after this Heloris the general arriving and advising them to do the opposite, they saved the city. 90.6. For by putting out the fire they would not have been able to prevent Dionysius from entering, being altogether few; but bringing brushwood and wood from the houses nearby, they made the flame greater, until the multitude, gathered in arms, came to the rescue. 90.7. Dionysius, having failed of his attempt, went over the country burning and cutting down the trees, and after this, having made a year's truce, sailed off to Syracuse.

91.1. The Greeks dwelling in Italy saw the greed of Dionysius advancing as far as their own country, and made an alliance with one another and established a council. For they hoped easily to defend themselves against Dionysius and to set themselves against the neighbouring Lucanians; for these too were at that time at war with them. 91.2. The exiles holding Lechaeum in the Corinthian territory, brought in by night by certain men, attempted to seize the walls, but the troops of Iphicrates coming to the rescue, having lost three hundred of their own, fled to the naval station. After some days a part of the army of the Lacedaemonians was passing through the Corinthian country, upon whom Iphicrates and some of the allies in Corinth, falling, slew most. 91.3. Iphicrates, marching with the peltasts against Phliasia, and joining battle with those from the city, slew more than three hundred of them; after this, when he marched against Sicyon, the Sicyonians, drawn up before the walls, lost about five hundred and fled together into the city. 92.1. These things being done, the Argives, marching with their arms in full force against Corinth, both seized the citadel and, making the city their own, made the territory of the Corinthians Argive. 92.2. Iphicrates the Athenian also attempted to seize the city, being well suited for the leadership of Greece; but the people preventing it, he laid down his command, and the Athenians sent Chabrias as general to Corinth in his place. 92.3. In Macedonia, Amyntas the father of Philip, the Illyrians having invaded Macedonia, was driven out of the country; and despairing of his rule, he gave the neighbouring country to the Olynthians, and himself at that time lost his kingdom, but a little while after, brought back by the Thessalians, recovered his rule, and reigned twenty-four years. 92.4. Some, however, say that after the expulsion of Amyntas, Argaeus reigned over the Macedonians for a two-year period, and that then Amyntas recovered the kingship. 93.1. About the same time also Satyrus, the son of Spartacus and king of Bosporus, died, having ruled forty years; and his son Leucon succeeded to the rule for forty years. 93.2. In Italy the Romans, besieging the Veientes for the eleventh year, appointed Marcus Furius as dictator and Publius Cornelius as master of horse. These, taking up the forces, took Veii by siege, having constructed a mine, and enslaving the city sold the men and the rest of the booty as spoil. 93.3. The dictator, then, led a triumph, and the Roman people, taking out a tithe of the spoils, made a golden mixing-bowl and dedicated it at Delphi. 93.4. The envoys conveying it fell in with Liparian pirates, and all being taken captive were brought to Lipara. But Timasitheus the general of the Liparians, learning what had happened, both saved the envoys and, giving back the gold, restored the envoys to Delphi. Those conveying the bowl, having dedicated it in the treasury of the Massaliotes, returned to Rome. 93.5. Therefore the Roman people, learning of the noble conduct of Timasitheus, immediately honoured him, giving him public lodging, and after this, a hundred and thirty-seven years later, having taken Lipara from the Carthaginians, released the descendants of Timasitheus free from taxes and made them free. 94.1. When the annual period had passed, at Athens Philocles was archon, and at Rome six military tribunes took over the consular office, Publius and Cornelius, Caeso Fabius, Lucius Furius, Quintus Servilius, Marcus Valerius; and the ninety-seventh Olympiad was held in this year, in which Terires was victor. 94.2. About these times the Athenians, choosing Thrasybulus as general, sent him out with forty triremes. He, sailing to Ionia and taking money from the allies, broke camp, and staying about the Chersonese made Medocus and Seuthes the kings of the Thracians his allies. 94.3. After some time, sailing from the Hellespont to Lesbos, he anchored at the shore by Eresus. Great winds arising, twenty-three triremes were destroyed; but coming safe with the rest, he went about bringing over the cities in Lesbos; for all had revolted except Mitylene. 94.4. And first, coming to Methymna, he joined battle with those from the city, whom Therimachus the Spartan commanded. Fighting brilliantly, he slew both Therimachus himself and not a few of the Methymnaeans, and shut up the rest within the walls, and ravaged the country of the Methymnaeans, while Eresus and Antissa he took over by agreement. After this, having gathered ships from the Chians and Mitylenaeans as allies, he sailed to Rhodes.

95.1. The Carthaginians, slowly recovering themselves from the disaster about Syracuse, resolved to hold fast to their affairs in Sicily. Deciding to fight it out, they crossed over with a few warships, but gathered a force from Libya and Sardinia, and besides from the barbarians in Italy. Having carefully armed all with their proper equipment, they crossed over into Sicily, being not fewer than eighty thousand, whom Mago led. 95.2. He, then, marching through the country of the Sicels, and causing most of the cities to revolt from Dionysius, encamped in the territory of the Agyrinaeans by the river Chrysas near the road leading to Morgantine; for, being unable to bring over the Agyrinaeans into alliance, he gave up his forward march, hearing that the enemy had set out from Syracuse. 95.3. Dionysius, learning that the Carthaginians were making their march through the interior, quickly collected as many as he could of the Syracusans and the mercenaries and set out, having in all not fewer than twenty thousand. 95.4. Coming near the enemy, he sent an embassy to Agyris the ruler of the Agyrinaeans. This man had the greatest power of the tyrants then in Sicily after Dionysius; for he was master of almost all the surrounding strongholds and ruled the city of the Agyrinaeans, which was much-peopled at those times; for it had citizens not fewer than twenty thousand. 95.5. There was also gathered in this great multitude in the city, in the citadel, a store of much money, which Agyris had amassed by murdering the wealthiest of the citizens. 95.6. But Dionysius, entering within the wall with a few, persuaded Agyris to ally himself genuinely, and promised to give him much of the bordering country, the war being brought to a successful issue. 95.7. Agyris, then, first eagerly gave to the whole force of Dionysius grain and the other things that were needed, and leading out his force in full strength campaigned with Dionysius and made war in common against the Carthaginians. 96.1. Mago, encamping in a hostile country, and ever becoming more in want of necessaries, was no moderately at a disadvantage; for the troops of Agyris, being experienced in the country, had the advantage in the ambushes and took away the provisions of the enemy. 96.2. When the Syracusans said that they should decide affairs by battle as quickly as possible, Dionysius opposed, saying that without dangers the barbarians would be destroyed by time and scarcity; at which the Syracusans, being enraged, abandoned Dionysius. 96.3. He at first, in caution, called the household-slaves to freedom, but after this, the Carthaginians sending an embassy about peace, he gave heed and made them sendable back to their masters, and with the Carthaginians made peace. 96.4. The terms were in other respects similar to the former, but that the Sicels should be ranged under Dionysius and that he should take over Tauromenium. After the treaty Mago sailed off, while Dionysius, taking over Tauromenium, cast out most of the Sicels there, and choosing the most suitable of his own mercenaries settled them there. 96.5. And the affairs in Sicily were in this state, while in Italy the Romans took by storm Faliscus, a city of the nation of the Falisci. 97.1. This year having passed, at Athens Nicoteles was archon, and at Rome three military tribunes administered the consular office, Marcus Furius, Gaius Aemilius. These having taken over the office, those of the Rhodians who favoured Sparta, rising up against the people, cast out of the city those who favoured the Athenians. 97.2. These running together in arms and attempting to hold fast to affairs, those allied with the Lacedaemonians prevailed, and slew many, and proclaimed the survivors banished. Immediately too they sent envoys to Lacedaemon for help, fearing lest some of the citizens make a revolution. 97.3. The Lacedaemonians sent them seven triremes and three men to take charge of affairs, Eudocimus and Philodocus and Diphilas. These, first conveyed to Samos, caused the city to revolt from the Athenians, then sailing to Rhodes had the management of affairs there. 97.4. The Lacedaemonians, their affairs proceeding for them, resolved to hold fast to the sea, and again, little by little, prevailed over the allies, having gathered a fleet. These, then, sailed to Samos and Cnidus and Rhodes, and from every side enrolling ships and the best marines, they fitted out lavishly twenty-seven triremes. 97.5. Agesilaus the king of the Lacedaemonians, hearing that the Argives were staying about Corinth, led out the Lacedaemonians in full force except for one division. Going over all Argolis, he plundered the possessions, and cutting down the trees of the country withdrew to Sparta.

98.1. In Cyprus Evagoras the Salaminian, who was most nobly born—for he was a descendant of the founders of the city—having gone into exile in the time before because of certain factions, and afterward returning with a few, cast out Abdemon the Tyrian, who was ruling the city and was a friend of the King of the Persians, while he himself, holding the city, at first reigned over Salamis, the greatest and most powerful of the cities in Cyprus; quickly being well supplied with much money and preparing a force, he attempted to make the whole island his own. 98.2. Of the cities, some mastering by force, others winning over by persuasion, he quickly took over the leadership of the other cities; but the Amathusians and Solians and Citians, holding out against the war, sent envoys to Artaxerxes the King of the Persians for help; and they accused Evagoras, that he had slain King Agyris, an ally of the Persians, and they agreed to help him acquire the island. 98.3. The King, not wishing on the one hand that Evagoras should advance further, and at the same time considering that Cyprus was favourably situated and had a great naval power, with which he would be able to fight in defence of Asia, decided to ally himself, and sent these men away, while he himself sent letters to the maritime cities and the satraps governing the cities to build triremes and to prepare with all speed the things useful for the fleet, and he ordered Hecatomnus the ruler of Caria to make war upon Evagoras. 98.4. He, going about the cities in the upper satrapies with great forces, crosses over into Cyprus. 98.5. The affairs in Asia, then, were in this state, while in Italy the Romans, having made peace with the Falisci, and a war against the Aecicli for the fourth time, both founded Sutrium and were cast out by the enemy from the city of Verrugo. 99.1. This year having passed, at Athens Demostratus was archon, and at Rome the consuls Lucius Lucretius and Servilius had taken over the office. About these times Artaxerxes sent down Struthas as general to the sea with a force to make war upon the Lacedaemonians, and the Spartans, learning of his arrival, sent out Thibron as general to Asia. He seized the place Iondas and the high mountain Cornissus, distant from Ephesus forty stades. 99.2. He, then, having eight thousand soldiers together with those gathered in Asia, went over the King's country ravaging it, while Struthas, with much barbarian cavalry and five thousand hoplite soldiers and more than twenty thousand light-armed, encamped not far from the Lacedaemonians. 99.3. At last, Thibron with a part of his force having gone out and gathered much booty, Struthas, coming upon him, both slew Thibron fighting and killed most of the soldiers, while of the rest he took some alive, and a few came safe to the stronghold Cnidinium. 99.4. Thrasybulus the general of the Athenians, conveying himself from Lesbos with his fleet to Aspendus, anchored the triremes in the river Eurymedon. Although he had received money from the Aspendians, nevertheless some of the soldiers ravaged the country. Night coming on, the Aspendians, taking it ill at the wrongs, attacked the Athenians and slew both Thrasybulus and certain others; but the trierarchs of the Athenians, being greatly afraid and quickly manning the ships, sailed off to Rhodes. 99.5. The city having revolted, and the exiles having seized a certain stronghold, with these they warred against those in the city. The Athenians, learning of the death of Thrasybulus the general, sent out Agyrius as general. The affairs in Asia, then, were in this state. 100.1. In Sicily Dionysius the tyrant of the Syracusans, eager by his dominion over the island to bring over also the Greeks in Italy, postponed the common expedition against them to another occasion, and judging it of advantage to attack first the city of the Rhegians, because it was the bulwark of Italy, set out from Syracuse with his force. 100.2. He had twenty thousand foot, a thousand horse, and a hundred and twenty ships. Having conveyed his force to the borders of Locris, he made his march from there through the interior, cutting and burning the country of the Rhegians; and the fleet sailed along on the other side of the sea, and with his whole force he encamped about the strait. 100.3. The Italiotes, learning of the crossing of Dionysius against Rhegium, sent from Croton sixty ships, eager to give them over to the Rhegians. While they were sailing on the open sea, Dionysius with fifty ships sailed against them, and they fleeing to the land, he nonetheless pressed on, and binding fast tried to drag off those moored to the land. 100.4. The sixty triremes being in danger of being taken, the Rhegians came to the rescue in full force, and from the land by the multitude of their missiles drove off Dionysius. Great winds arising, the Rhegians hauled their ships up onto the land, while Dionysius, being violently storm-tossed, lost seven ships and with them men not fewer than fifteen hundred. 100.5. These being cast ashore together with the ships on the Rhegian coast, the Rhegians took many of the sailors alive. Dionysius, sailing on a quinquereme, and often coming within a little of being submerged, with difficulty about midnight took refuge in the harbour at Messene. The winter season now coming on, he, having made an alliance with the Lucanians, led his forces away to Syracuse.

101.1. After this, the Lucanians overrunning Thuria, the Thurians ordered the allies to come quickly to the rescue with their arms; for the Greek cities in Italy had it so in their treaties, that whatever country should be plundered by the Lucanians, to it all should come to the rescue; and of whatever city the army should not present itself for the relief, the generals of that city were to die. 101.2. Therefore, the Thurians having sent off the letter-carriers to the cities concerning the presence of the enemy, all prepared for the march. But they themselves, starting up before in their eagerness and not awaiting the multitude of the allies, broke camp against the Lucanians, having more than fourteen thousand foot and about a thousand horse. 101.3. The Lucanians, hearing of the onset of the enemy, withdrew into their own country; and the Thurians, in haste invading Lucania, at first took a stronghold, and becoming masters of much spoil they took, as it were, a bait for their own destruction. For, high-spirited at their advantage, contemptuously they marched through certain narrow and precipitous roads, wishing to besiege Laus, a prosperous city. 101.4. When they came to a certain plain encircled by high hills and precipices, there the Lucanians with all their force shut them off from the return to their fatherlands. Having made their appearance, beyond expectation and conspicuously, upon the hill, they struck dismay into the Greeks both by the magnitude of the army and by the difficulty of the ground; for the Lucanians at that time had thirty thousand foot and horsemen not fewer than four thousand. 102.1. The Greeks being unexpectedly encompassed by so great a danger, the barbarians came down into the plain. A battle taking place, and the Italiotes being overpowered by the multitude of the Lucanians, there fell more than ten thousand; for the Lucanians had ordered that no one be taken alive; of the rest, some fled to a certain hill by the sea, others, seeing warships sailing up and thinking them to be those of the Rhegians, fled together into the sea and swam out to the triremes. 102.2. But the fleet that was sailing up was Dionysius the tyrant's, and its admiral was Leptines his brother, who had been sent to the help of the Lucanians. Leptines, then, receiving kindly those who were swimming, landed them and persuaded the Lucanians to take for each of the captives a mina of silver; these were in number above a thousand. 102.3. Becoming surety for the money and reconciling the Italiotes with the Lucanians, he persuaded them to make peace, and met with great approval among the Italiotes, having arranged the war advantageously for himself, but not profitably for Dionysius. For Dionysius hoped, the Italiotes being at war with the Lucanians, easily, by attacking, to master the affairs in Italy, but, they being released from so great a war, hardly to prevail. Therefore he released this man from the admiralship, and appointed Thearides, his other brother, as commander of the fleet. 102.4. These things being done, the Romans allotted the territory of the Veientes, giving each man four plethra, or, as some say, twenty-eight; and warring against the Aequi they took by storm the city Liphlum, and the Velitrini having revolted, they constituted a war against them. Satricum also revolted from the Romans, and they sent a colony to Cercii. 103.1. The annual period having passed, at Athens Antipater was archon, and at Rome Lucius Valerius and Aulus Manlius administered the consular office. About these times Dionysius the ruler of the Syracusans, openly declaring himself about to campaign against Italy, set out from Syracuse with the greatest force. 103.2. He had more than twenty thousand foot, about three thousand horse, forty warships, and not fewer than three hundred ships conveying the grain. On the fifth day arriving at Messene, he himself in the city refreshed his force, while he sent his brother Thearides against the islands of Lipara with thirty ships; for he had learned that ten ships of the Rhegians were about those places. 103.3. Thearides, sailing out and finding the ten-ship squadron of the Rhegians in certain suitable places, mastered the vessels with all their crews, and quickly returned to Messene to Dionysius. Dionysius, putting the captives in bonds, gave them to the Messenians to guard, while he himself, conveying his force across to Caulonia, encamped about the city, and bringing up the engines made frequent assaults. 103.4. The Greeks in Italy, when they learned that the forces of Dionysius had crossed the dividing strait, themselves also gathered armies. The city of the Crotoniates being most populous and having very many Syracusan exiles, to these they entrusted the leadership of the war; 103.5. and the Crotoniates, gathering forces from every side, chose as general Heloris the Syracusan. This man, having gone into exile from Dionysius and seeming to have effective daring, was supposed to make war most faithfully against the tyrant because of his hatred. When all the allies had come to Croton, according to his own purpose Heloris, having drawn them up, set out with his whole force against Caulonia; 103.6. for he thought at once, by appearing, to raise the siege, and at the same time to fight it out with the enemy worn down by the daily assaults. He had in all foot about twenty-five thousand and horse about two thousand.

104.1. When they had accomplished most of the road and encamped by the river Eleporus, Dionysius broke camp from the city and went to meet the Italiotes. Heloris, then, with the best five hundred, led the way before the force, while Dionysius happened to be encamped forty stades from the enemy, and learning through the scouts that the enemy were near, at dawn rousing his force he led it forward. 104.2. At daybreak, meeting the troops of Heloris, being few, he suddenly engaged them, and having his force in good order he gave the enemy no respite at all. 104.3. Heloris, falling into great perplexity, himself with those he had withstood the assailants, while he sent some of his friends to the army, charging them to urge on the multitude. These quickly doing what was ordered, the Italiotes, learning that the general and those with him were in danger, hastened at a run to the rescue, but Dionysius, with his whole force pouring round Heloris and those with him, who fought nobly, slew almost all of them. 104.4. The Italiotes coming to the rescue scattered in their haste, and the Sicilians, keeping their ranks, easily got the better of the enemy. Nevertheless, for some time the Greeks of Italy withstood the danger, although seeing many of their own being slain; but when they learned of the death of the general, and because of the tumult fell upon one another and were greatly worsted, then indeed, despairing utterly, they were routed. 105.1. Many being slain in the rout over the plain, the multitude fled to a certain hill, strong against the siege, but waterless and able easily to be guarded by the enemy. Dionysius, encamping about it, kept watch under arms that day and the night, using the guards carefully. On the next day, because of the heat and the want of water, those who had fled together fared badly. 105.2. They sending a herald to Dionysius and calling on him to exact ransoms, he, being immoderate in his successes, ordered them to lay down their arms and surrender themselves to the victor. The order being harsh, for a while they held out, but as they were borne down by natural necessity, they surrendered themselves about the eighth hour, their bodies now exhausted. 105.3. Dionysius, taking a rod and striking it on the ground, counted the captives as they came down, being more than ten thousand. And all suspecting his savagery, on the contrary he appeared the most fair-minded of all; 105.4. for the captives he released free of their own will without ransom, and making peace with most of the cities he let them be independent. For these things, meeting with praise from those who had benefited, he was honoured with golden crowns, and this was reckoned almost the finest thing he did in his life. 106.1. When he had broken camp against Rhegium, and with his force prepared to besiege it because of the outrage concerning the marriage-alliance, great anxiety held the Rhegians; for they had neither allies nor a force fit for battle, and besides these they knew that, the city being taken, neither pity nor entreaty was left to them. 106.2. Therefore they resolved to send envoys to beg him to treat them moderately, and to call upon him to plan nothing concerning them beyond what is human. 106.3. Dionysius, having exacted three hundred talents and taken over all the ships, being seventy, ordered them to give a hundred hostages; and all being given, he broke camp against Caulonia. Of this city he removed the inhabitants to Syracuse, and giving them citizenship he granted them to be tax-free for five years, and razing the city he gave the territory of the Caulonians to the Locrians. 106.4. The Romans, having taken the city Liphoecua of the nation of the Aequi, in accordance with the vows of the consuls celebrated a great contest to Zeus.

107.1. This year having passed, at Athens Pyrgion was archon, and at Rome four military tribunes took over the consular office, Lucius Lucretius, Servius Sulpicius, Gaius Aemilius; and the ninety-eighth Olympiad was held, in which Sosippus the Athenian was victor. 107.2. These having taken over the office, Dionysius the ruler of the Syracusans, marching to Hipponium with his force, removed those dwelling in it to Syracuse, and razing the city assigned its territory to the Locrians. 107.3. For continually he was ambitious to benefit the Locrians because of the marriage-alliance that had been granted; but the Rhegians he desired to punish because of the wrong concerning the kinship. For at the time when he sent envoys to them, asking that it be granted him to marry one of the citizen maidens, they say the Rhegians answered the envoys publicly, that they granted him to marry only the daughter of the public executioner. 107.4. Therefore, taking this hard and thinking himself excessively outraged, he was much occupied with vengeance against them. And indeed in the previous year he had made the peace with them, not out of desire for friendship, but wishing to take away their naval force, being seventy triremes; for he reckoned that, their help by sea being cut off, he would easily take the city by siege. 107.5. Therefore, lingering in Italy, he sought a plausible pretext, by which he might not seem, contrary to his own dignity, to have broken the treaty. 108.1. Having led, then, his forces to the strait, he prepared the things for the crossing. And first he asked the Rhegians for provisions, promising quickly to send back from Syracuse those given. This he did so that, if they did not give, he might justly seem to take the city, while if they gave, he reckoned he would use up their grain and, sitting down before the city, would quickly master it because of the scarcity. 108.2. The Rhegians, suspecting none of these things, at first for some days supplied the provisions lavishly; but when he tarried a longer time, providing now sickness, now other pretexts, suspecting his design, they no longer furnished provisions to the army. 108.3. Dionysius, on this pretext pretending to be indignant, gave back the hostages to the Rhegians, and encamping about the city made assaults day by day. He constructed also a great multitude of engines unbelievable in their magnitude, with which, shaking the walls, he was ambitious to take the city by storm. 108.4. The Rhegians, choosing Phyton as general and arming all those of military age, both used the guards carefully and, going out at favourable times, set fire to the engines of the enemy. 108.5. These, then, often fighting brilliantly before the walls on behalf of their fatherland, both kindled the anger of the enemy and lost many of themselves, but slew not a few also of the Sicilians. 108.6. And it happened that Dionysius himself, struck by a lance near the groin, came within a little of dying, and with difficulty recovered himself from the wound. The siege lasting long, because the Rhegians brought unsurpassable zeal on behalf of their freedom, Dionysius kept his forces engaged in the daily assaults and did not abandon his original purpose. 109.1. The Olympic games being near, he sent to the contest several four-horse chariots, much surpassing the others in their swiftness, and tents for the festival gilded and adorned with costly embroidered hangings. He sent also the best rhapsodes, that, reciting his poems at the festival, they might make Dionysius famous; for he was exceedingly mad about poetry. 109.2. As overseer of these he sent along his brother Thearides; who, when he came to the festival, was conspicuous for the beauty of the tents and the multitude of the four-horse chariots; but when the rhapsodes set about reciting the poems of Dionysius, at first, because of the fine voices of the performers, the multitude ran together and all admired; but after this, considering the badness of the poems, they laughed Dionysius to scorn and condemned him to such a degree that some dared to plunder the tents. 109.3. For indeed Lysias the orator, who was then staying at Olympia, urged the multitude not to admit to the sacred contests the spectators sent from a most impious tyranny; at which time also he read aloud the speech entitled "Olympiacus." 109.4. The contest being completed, it happened by chance that of the four-horse chariots of Dionysius some fell out of the course, and others, falling upon one another, were broken; and likewise too the ship conveying the spectators, having put out from the games to Sicily, was cast out of Italy at Tarentum because of certain storms. 109.5. Therefore they say that the sailors, coming safe to Syracuse, announced throughout the city that because of the badness of the poems not only the rhapsodes, but together with these both the four-horse chariots and the ship were cast away. 109.6. Dionysius, learning of the ridicule of his poems, and the flatterers saying that all envy those who do well, but afterward admire them, did not desist from his zeal about poetry. 109.7. The Romans, drawn up against the Volsinii about Gurasium, slew many of the enemy.

110.1. These things being done, the annual period had passed, and among the Athenians Theodotus was archon, while at Rome six military tribunes held the consular office, Quintus Caeso Sulpicius, Aenus Caeso Fabius, Quintus Servilius, Publius Cornelius. 110.2. These having taken over the office, the Lacedaemonians, distressed by the war both against the Greeks and against the Persians, sent out Antalcidas the admiral to Artaxerxes about peace. 110.3. He having spoken acceptably about the matters for which he had been sent, the King said that he would make the peace on these terms: that the Greek cities in Asia be ranged under the King, and all the other Greeks be independent; and that against those who disobeyed and did not accept the treaty he would make war through those who consented. 110.4. The Lacedaemonians, then, being content with these terms, kept quiet, but the Athenians and Thebans and certain others of the Greeks took it ill that the cities in Asia were abandoned; but not being a match by themselves, of necessity they consented and accepted the peace. 110.5. And the King, the difference with the Greeks being settled, prepared his forces for the Cyprian war; for Evagoras had acquired almost the whole of Cyprus and had gathered strong forces, because Artaxerxes was distracted by the war against the Greeks. 111.1. Dionysius having besieged Rhegium nearly eleven months and shut off the reinforcements from every quarter, those in the city came into a terrible scarcity of necessaries; for they say that among the Rhegians at that time a medimnus of grain came to five minas. 111.2. Being worn down by the want of food, at first they ate up the horses and the other baggage-animals, and after this, boiling the hides they ate them, but at the last, going out of the city, they ate the grass by the walls like a kind of cattle; so did the necessity of nature force human diet to take refuge in the food of irrational animals. 111.3. Dionysius, learning what was happening, so far from pitying those compelled to suffer beyond what is human, on the contrary, bringing in yokes, took up the grass of the place, so that all the herbage was made to disappear. 111.4. Therefore, overcome by the excess of their ills, the Rhegians surrendered the city to the tyrant, giving up to him every authority over themselves. Dionysius found in the city heaps of corpses, who had died for want of food; and finding the living too in the condition of corpses and with their bodies enfeebled, he gathered captives more than six thousand. The multitude, then, he sent off to Syracuse, ordering those who gave a mina of silver to be ransomed, and those who could not provide it he sold as booty. 112.1. Phyton, the general of the Rhegians, having seized him, he sank his son in the sea, but the man himself at first he bound to the highest engines, taking, as it were, a kind of tragic vengeance, and sent one of his servants to say to him that yesterday Dionysius had sunk his son in the sea; to whom Phyton said that he had become more fortunate than his father by one day. 112.2. After this Dionysius led him round the city, scourging him and maltreating him in every way, while a herald followed, saying that Dionysius was taking extraordinary vengeance upon the man, because he had persuaded the city to choose war. 112.3. But Phyton, who had been a good general in the siege and was praised in the rest of his life, endured not ignobly the vengeance at his death, but, keeping his soul undismayed and crying out that he was meeting this vengeance because he had not been willing to betray the city to Dionysius, and that the divinity would speedily set the like upon Dionysius himself; so that the man's virtue was pitied even among the soldiers of Dionysius, and some were already raising an uproar. 112.4. Dionysius, fearing lest some of the soldiers should dare to snatch away Phyton, ceasing from the vengeance, sank the unfortunate man together with his kindred. 112.5. This man, then, unworthily of his virtue, met with lawless vengeances, and had even then many of the Greeks who grieved at his misfortune, and afterward poets who lamented the piteous nature of his reversal.

113.1. At the time when Dionysius was most engaged in besieging Rhegium, the Celts dwelling beyond the Alps, passing through the narrows with great forces, seized the country between the Apennine and the Alpine mountains, casting out the Tyrrhenians who dwelt there. 113.2. These some say were colonized from the twelve cities in Tyrrhenia; but some say that Pelasgians, before the Trojan times fleeing from Thessaly the flood that occurred in the time of Deucalion, settled in this place. 113.3. The Celts, then, having divided the country by nations, the so-called Sennones happened to have received the place lying farthest from the mountains by the sea. This being scorching, and being ill at ease, they were eager to migrate, and arming the younger men sent them to seek a country in which they should dwell. Invading, then, Tyrrhenia, and being in number about thirty thousand, they plundered the country of the Clusini. 113.4. At which time the people of the Romans sent envoys to Tyrrhenia to spy out the army of the Celts. The envoys, coming to Clusium and seeing a battle taking place, becoming more brave than prudent, drew up with the Clusini against the besiegers. 113.5. One of the envoys having succeeded and slain one of the more notable commanders, the Celts, learning what had happened, sent envoys to Rome to demand the surrender of the envoy who had begun the unjust war. 113.6. The senate at first tried to persuade the envoys of the Celts to take money for the wrongs done; but when they would not give heed, they voted to give up the accused. But the father of him who was to be given up, being one of the military tribunes who had the consular authority, brought the case before the people, and being powerful with the multitude, persuaded them to make void the judgement of the senate. 113.7. The people, then, who in the times before had obeyed the senate in all things, now first began to dissolve the judgement decided by the senate. 114.1. The envoys of the Celts, coming to their own camp, reported the answer of the Romans. At which being greatly indignant, and taking in addition a force from their countrymen, they hastened against Rome itself, being more than seventy thousand. The military tribunes of the Romans, being in their own authority, and hearing of the onset of the Celts, armed all those of military age. 114.2. Going out in full force and crossing the Tiber, they led their force along the river eighty stades, and when the Gauls were reported to be approaching, they drew up the army. 114.3. The bravest, twenty-four thousand, they drew up from the river to the hills, while on the highest hills they stationed the weakest. The Celts, extending their phalanx far, whether by chance or by foresight, stationed the best on the hills. 114.4. At the same time the trumpets on both sides gave the signal, and the armies came together to battle with much shouting. The chosen of the Celts, drawn up against the weakest of the Romans, easily routed them from the hills. 114.5. Therefore, these fleeing in throngs to the Romans in the plain, the ranks were thrown into confusion, and the Celts pressing upon them, they fled in dismay. Most rushing to the river and in the confusion falling upon one another, the Celts did not fail to slay the hindmost continually; therefore the whole plain was strewn with corpses. 114.6. Of those who fled to the river, the bravest swam across with their arms, prizing their full armour equally with their lives; the current being violent, some, weighed down by the burden of their arms, were drowned, while others, after much hardship being carried for a considerable distance, were with difficulty saved. 114.7. The enemy pressing upon them and slaying many along the river, most of the survivors, throwing away their arms, swam across the Tiber. 115.1. The Celts, having slain many even by the river itself, did not even so desist from their eagerness, but hurled javelins at those swimming across. Many missiles being discharged into the throngs in the river, it came to pass that those who threw did not miss. Whence some, falling in with mortal wounds, immediately died, while others, wounded through, and through the flowing of blood and the violence of the current growing faint, were carried away. 115.2. Such a disaster having befallen the Romans, most of the survivors seized the city of Veii, lately razed by themselves, and fortified the place as best they could, and took in those saved from the flight; but a few of those who swam across, fleeing unarmed to Rome, announced that all had perished. Such great misfortunes being reported to those left in the city, all fell into perplexity; 115.3. for they reckoned that to withstand was impossible, all the young men having perished, and to flee with children and wives was too dangerous, the enemy being near. Many of the private persons, then, with their whole households fled to the neighbouring cities, while the magistrates of the city, encouraging the multitude, ordered them quickly to convey to the Capitol the grain and the rest of the necessaries. 115.4. This being done, both the citadel and the Capitol were full, apart from the things pertaining to food, of silver and gold and the most costly raiment, as though from the whole city the good things had been gathered into one place. They, then, conveyed what was possible of their goods and fortified the aforesaid place, having a respite of three days. 115.5. For the Celts on the first day were occupied in cutting off the heads of the dead according to their ancestral custom; and for two days, encamping by the city, and seeing the walls deserted, but perceiving an outcry being made, which those making it who were conveying the most useful things to the citadel, they supposed that the Romans were laying an ambush for them. 115.6. On the fourth day, learning the truth, they broke open the gates and laid waste the city, except for a few houses on the Palatine. After this, making assaults day by day on the strong places, they did no noteworthy harm to their opponents, while they lost many of their own; nevertheless they did not desist from their eagerness, hoping that, if they should not master it by force, they would in time, the necessaries wholly failing, wear them down.

116.1. The Romans being in such confusions, the neighbouring Tyrrhenians went over the country of the Romans with a strong force, plundering it, and gained possession of many persons and no little spoil. But those of the Romans who had fled to Veii, falling unexpectedly upon the Tyrrhenians, routed them, and took away the booty and mastered the camp. 116.2. Becoming masters of many arms, they distributed them to those who were unarmed, and gathering the men from the country they armed them; for they wished to deliver those who had fled together to the Capitol from the siege. 116.3. They being at a loss in what way they might make it known to those shut up, because the Celts were encamped about with great forces, a certain Cominius Pontius undertook to encourage those in the Capitol. 116.4. Setting out alone and swimming across the river by night, he came unseen to a certain rock of the Capitol hard to climb, and dragging himself up with difficulty by this, made known to those in the Capitol concerning those gathered at Veii, and that, watching for an opportunity, they would attack the Celts. Then, going down by the way he had come up and swimming across the Tiber, he returned to Veii. 116.5. But the Celts, observing the tracks of him who had lately come up, arranged to climb up the same rock by night. Therefore about midnight, the guards being careless of their watch because of the strength of the place, some of the Celts climbed up the rock. 116.6. They escaped the notice of the guards, but the sacred geese of Hera, that were kept there, seeing those climbing up, made an outcry. The guards running together to the place, these, struck with dismay, did not dare to come on; but a certain Marcus Manlius, a notable man, coming to the rescue at the place, with his sword cut off the hand of the one climbing up, and striking him in the breast with his shield rolled him off the rock. 116.7. Likewise too, the second, climbing up, perishing, the rest all quickly fled; and the rock being precipitous, all, being hurled down headlong, died. Therefore, the Romans sending an embassy about a settlement, they were persuaded, taking a thousand pounds of gold, to leave the city and to depart from the country of the Romans. 116.8. The Romans, their houses being razed and most of their citizens having perished, gave leave to whoever wished to build a house in whatever place he chose, and furnished public tiles, which to the present day are called "state-tiles." 116.9. All, then, building according to their own choice, it came to pass that the streets in the city became narrow and full of turns; therefore later, when they had increased, they were unable to make the streets straight. Some say also that the women, having contributed their golden ornament for the common safety, obtained for this honour from the people, so as to have the right to ride upon chariots through the city. 117.1. The Romans being humbled because of the aforesaid disaster, the Volsci carried war against them. The military tribunes of the Romans, then, enrolling soldiers and leading their force into the open, encamped in the place called Marcius, distant from Rome two hundred stades. 117.2. The Volsci being encamped opposite with a larger army and assaulting the camp, those in Rome, fearing for those in the camp, appointed Marcus Furius as dictator . . . 117.3. These, arming all those of military age, went out by night, and surprising at daybreak the Volsci as they assaulted the camp, appearing in their rear, they easily routed them. Those from the camp also coming out, the Volsci, cut off in the middle, were almost all cut down. Therefore those who in the time before seemed to be strong, because of this disaster became the weakest of the surrounding peoples. 117.4. After the battle the dictator, hearing that Bola was being plundered by the Aeculani, who are now called the Aecicli, leading his force slew most of the besiegers. Thence he broke camp to Sutrian territory, which was a colony, which the Tyrrhenians had seized by force. Falling suddenly upon the Tyrrhenians, he slew many of them and recovered the city for the Sutrians. 117.5. The Gauls who had departed from Rome plundering the city Veascium, an ally of the Romans, the dictator, attacking them and slaying most, mastered all the baggage, in which was also the gold that they had taken at Rome and almost all that had been plundered at the capture of the city. 117.6. Having accomplished so much, because of the envy of the tribunes of the people he was prevented from leading a triumph. Some, however, say that he led a triumph over the Tusci upon a white four-horse chariot, and that for this two years later he was condemned by the people to a heavy fine; concerning whom we shall make mention at the proper times. 117.7. Those of the Celts who had gone into Iapygia returned through the country of the Romans; and a little after, plotted against by night by the Cerii, they were all cut down in the Trausian plain. 117.8. Callisthenes the historian began to write his history from the peace made in this year between the Greeks and Artaxerxes the King of the Persians; and traversing a period of thirty years he wrote ten books, and ended the last of his work at the seizure of the temple at Delphi by Philomelus the Phocian. 117.9. We, since we are come to the peace made between the Greeks and Artaxerxes and to the danger of Rome from the Gauls, in accordance with the purpose set at the beginning, shall make this the end of this book.