Book 1

1.1. Though I am very far from wishing to deliver the kind of prefatory discourse that is customarily attached to historical works, I am nonetheless compelled to say something about myself at the outset. I shall not dwell upon my own praises, which I know strike listeners as wearisome, nor have I resolved to cast slanders upon rival historians, as Anaximenes and Theopompus did in the prefaces to their histories; rather, I shall set forth the reasonings I employed when I first set my hand to this undertaking, and render an account of the sources from which I gained my knowledge of the matters to be related. 1.2. For I have become convinced that those who would leave to posterity memorials of their own minds—memorials that will not perish from time together with their bodies—must above all, if they are writers of history (in which we hold truth to be enshrined, that source of prudence and wisdom), first choose subjects that are noble and magnificent and that bring great benefit to their readers; and next prepare with great care and diligence the resources suited to the writing of that subject. 1.3. For those who lay the foundations of historical works upon matters that are inglorious, or base, or unworthy of any serious effort—whether from a craving to advance into public notice and win a name of any sort whatever, or from a wish to display the abundance of their literary power—are neither envied by posterity for their knowledge nor praised for their ability; they leave behind in those who take up their histories only the opinion that their own lives were of the same kind as the writings they published. For men quite reasonably hold that a man's discourses are images of his soul. 1.4. Yet those who choose the finest subjects, but compose them carelessly and slackly out of whatever reports happen to come to hand, win no praise for their choice; for we do not think it fitting that histories recording famous cities and men who have held positions of power should be improvised or thrown together negligently. 1.5. Believing, then, that these are necessary and primary considerations for historians, and having taken great care over both, I have been unwilling either to pass over the discussion of them or to assign it to any place more fitting than the preface of my work. 2.1. That the subject I have chosen is a noble one, magnificent, and useful to many, I do not think will require many words to demonstrate—at least to those not wholly unacquainted with universal history. For if a man should turn his mind to the dominions of cities and nations handed down to us from the past, and then, examining each separately and comparing them one with another, should wish to determine which of them acquired the greatest empire and displayed the most brilliant achievements both in peace and in war, he will see that the dominion of the Romans has far surpassed all those recorded before it—not only in the magnitude of its rule and the splendour of its achievements, which as yet no account has fittingly adorned, but also in the length of time during which it has endured down to our own age. 2.2. For the empire of the Assyrians, ancient as it was and reaching back into mythical times, held sway over only a small part of Asia. The Median empire, having overthrown that of the Assyrians and embraced a wider dominion, did not endure for long, but was dissolved in the fourth generation. The Persians, who vanquished the Medes, in the end gained control of almost all of Asia; but when they attacked the nations of Europe as well, they subdued no great number of them, and they remained in power for not much more than two hundred years. 2.3. The Macedonian power, having overthrown the strength of the Persians, surpassed all empires before it in the magnitude of its rule; yet even this did not flourish for long, but after the death of Alexander began to decline. For, torn apart among many leaders immediately after the Successors, and after them retaining its strength as far as the second or third generation, it grew feeble of itself, and in the end was destroyed by the Romans. 2.4. And not even this empire made the whole earth and sea subject to it; for it gained control neither of Libya, save the part near Egypt, which is of no great extent, nor did it subdue the whole of Europe, but advanced in its northern parts only as far as Thrace, and in its western descended only as far as the Adriatic Sea. 3.1. The most illustrious of the earlier dominions, then, which we have received from history, attained such a height of power and strength only to be destroyed. As for the Greek powers, it is not fitting to set them beside these for comparison, since they attained neither so great a magnitude of empire nor so long a span of pre-eminence as those did. 3.2. The Athenians, for their part, ruled only the seaboard, and that for sixty-eight years, and not even all of it, but only the part within the Euxine Sea and the Pamphylian gulf, in the time when their command of the sea was at its height. The Lacedaemonians, holding the mastery of the Peloponnese and the rest of Greece, extended their rule as far as Macedonia, but were brought to a halt by the Thebans, having held their dominion not even a full thirty years. 3.3. But the city of Rome rules over all the earth that is not inaccessible but inhabited by men, and holds sway over the whole sea—not only that within the Pillars of Heracles, but also the Ocean, so far as it can be sailed—being the first and only city of all those recorded from the beginning of time to make the rising and the setting of the sun the boundaries of its dominion. Nor has its span of power been brief, but greater than that of any other city or kingdom whatsoever. 3.4. For from the very beginning, immediately after its founding, it began to draw to itself the neighbouring peoples, who were many and warlike, and to advance ever onward, subjugating all that stood against it. These events now stand at seven hundred and forty-five years, down to the consulship of Claudius Nero (his second) and Calpurnius Piso, who were appointed in the third year of the hundred and ninety-third Olympiad. And from the time when Rome gained control of all Italy and took heart to advance to the empire of all mankind—expelling from the sea the Carthaginians, who possessed the greatest naval power, and bringing under its hand Macedonia, which 3.5. until then had seemed to be the mightiest power upon land—having no longer any rival, whether barbarian race or Greek nation, it has now continued for the seventh generation, the one of my own day, ruling over every region; and there is scarcely a nation, one may say, that disputes with it over the common dominion or refuses to be ruled by it. 3.6. But indeed, that I have neither chosen the meanest of subjects, as I said, nor resolved to occupy myself with trifling and obscure deeds, but write of the most renowned of cities and of achievements than which no man could point to others more brilliant—of this I do not know that I need say more. 4.1. But that it was not without reason and prudent forethought that I turned to the ancient history of this city, but had sound grounds to give for my choice, I wish to say a few words in advance, lest some of those who find fault with everything should rebuke me—having heard nothing as yet of what is to be set forth—on the ground that, while the city that has become renowned in our day took its first beginnings from obscure and quite humble origins, unworthy of historical record, and reached distinction and fame only a few generations ago, from the time when it overthrew the Macedonian powers and brought the Phoenician wars to a successful close, I, who might have taken some one of its illustrious subjects, have inclined instead toward an antiquity that has nothing distinguished about it. 4.2. For the ancient history of the city of Rome is still all but unknown among the Greeks; and certain opinions, not true but taking their origin from chance reports, have deceived the many—as though Rome owed its founding to certain homeless wanderers and barbarians, and these not even free men, and as though it had not advanced in time to the empire of all mankind through piety and justice and every other virtue, but through some chance and an unjust fortune that bestows at random the greatest of goods upon the least deserving. And the more malicious are accustomed to accuse Fortune openly, on the ground that she provides the goods of the Greeks to barbarians, the basest of men. 4.3. And why need I speak of the rest, when even some of the historians have ventured to write these things and leave them behind in their histories—gratifying barbarian kings who hated our dominion, kings to whom they were themselves enslaved and whose pleasures they continually served, by composing histories that were neither just nor true? 5.1. Resolving, then, to remove these mistaken notions, as I said, from the minds of the many, and to set up the true ones in their place, I shall set forth in this work, concerning the founders of the city—who they were, at what several times each group came together, and by what fortunes they were driven to abandon the homes of their fathers. And through it I undertake to show that they were Greeks, and that they came together from no insignificant or 5.2. mean nations. As for the deeds they displayed immediately after the founding, and the practices through which their descendants advanced to so great a dominion, I shall recount them, beginning with the record that follows upon this one, omitting nothing worthy of history so far as lies within my power—so that those who have learned the truth may be moved to feel toward this city what is fitting, unless they are altogether savage and hostile in their disposition toward it; that they may neither chafe at the subjection which has come about as was natural (for it is a law of Nature common to all, which no time shall abolish, that the stronger shall always rule the weaker), nor accuse Fortune of having bestowed so great a dominion, and for so long a time, gratis upon a city unworthy of it— 5.3. learning, that is, from history that Rome brought forth countless virtues in her men from the very first, immediately after the founding; men more pious, more just, more temperate throughout their whole lives, and braver in the contests of war, than any city ever produced, whether Greek or barbarian—if only the odium of envy be kept far from my words; for there is something of that kind even in the promise of marvels and wonders. 5.4. But all those men together, who invested the city with so great a magnitude of dominion, are unknown among the Greeks, having met with no historian of note; for no accurate history of them in the Greek tongue has appeared down to our own times, save only summary epitomes, very brief. 6.1. The first to touch upon Roman antiquity, so far as I myself am aware, was Hieronymus of Cardia, in his work on the Successors; next, Timaeus of Sicily related the ancient portion of the history in his general work, while he assigned the wars against Pyrrhus of Epirus to a separate treatise. Together with these, Antigonus and Polybius and Silenus and countless others have addressed themselves to the same matters, though not all alike—each of them having recorded only a few things, and these not even carefully studied, but put together from chance reports. 6.2. Histories similar to these, and in no way different, have also been published by such of the Romans as wrote of the ancient achievements of the city in the Greek tongue; the oldest of these are Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cincius, both of whom flourished during the Phoenician wars. Each of these men recorded accurately, from his own experience, the events in which he himself took part, but ran over only summarily the ancient matters that occurred after the founding of the city. 6.3. For these reasons, then, it seemed good to me not to pass over a noble history that had been left unrecorded by my predecessors—a history from which, if it be accurately written, the best and most just of results will follow: for those good men who have fulfilled their allotted portion, to win everlasting glory and to be praised by posterity, which makes mortal nature like unto the divine and keeps men's deeds from dying together with their bodies; 6.4. and for the descendants of those godlike men, both those now living and those who shall come hereafter, to choose not the most pleasant and easiest of lives, but the most noble and ambitious, reflecting that those who have received from their lineage fine first beginnings ought to think greatly of themselves and to practise nothing unworthy of their forefathers. 6.5. As for myself—who have inclined to this undertaking not for the sake of flattery, but out of regard for truth and justice, at which all history must aim—my purpose is, first, to display the disposition of my own mind, that it is well-disposed toward all good men and lovers of noble and great deeds; and next, to render to the city such thank-offerings as lay within my power, mindful of the education and the other blessings I enjoyed during my sojourn in it. 7.1. Now that I have given my account of the choice I have made, I wish to say something further about the sources I used when I was about to set my hand to the writing. For perhaps those who have read Hieronymus, or Timaeus, or Polybius, or some other of the historians of whom I spoke a little earlier as having handled their writing carelessly, finding that much of what I write is not to be found set down in those authors, will suppose that I am inventing, and will demand to learn whence this knowledge has come to me. So that no such opinion of me may take hold of anyone, it is better to state in advance the discourses and 7.2. records from which I started. I sailed to Italy at the very time when the civil war was brought to an end by Augustus Caesar, in the middle of the hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad; and having since that time spent in Rome the two-and-twenty years down to the present, learning the Roman tongue and acquiring a knowledge of the native writings, throughout all this period I continued to occupy myself with whatever bore upon this undertaking. 7.3. Some things I received by instruction from the most learned men with whom I came into conversation; others I gathered out of the histories written by those Romans who are commended by their own countrymen—Porcius Cato, Fabius Maximus, Valerius of Antium, Licinius Macer, the Aelii and Gellii and Calpurnii, and many other men of note besides these. Setting out from those works (which resemble the Greek chronicles), I then undertook the writing. 7.4. So much, then, I have discussed concerning myself. It remains for me to say something further about the history itself: within what limits of time I confine it, what matters I make the subject of my narrative, and what form I give to the work. 8.1. I begin my history, then, with the most ancient legends, which the historians before me passed over as being difficult to discover without great labour; 8.2. and I bring my narrative down to the beginning of the First Phoenician War, which fell in the third year of the hundred and twenty-eighth Olympiad. I recount all the foreign wars the city waged in those times, and all the civil dissensions in which it was embroiled, from what causes they arose and by what means and arguments they were composed. I go through all the forms of government it employed, both under the kings and after the overthrow of the monarchs, and what the character of each of them was. I describe its noblest customs and most notable laws, and in sum I set forth the whole ancient life of the city. 8.3. As for the form I give the work, it is neither such as those who have recorded wars alone have given to their histories, nor such as those who have treated of constitutions by themselves, nor like the chronicles published by those who have dealt with the Attic annals—for these are uniform in kind and soon become tedious to their hearers. Rather, it is a form blended of every kind—the agonistic, the speculative, and the pleasing—so that it may appear satisfactory both to those who occupy themselves with political discourse, and to those who have devoted themselves to philosophical inquiry, and to any who may require an untroubled recreation in historical reading. 8.4. Such, then, are the matters of which my history will treat, and such the form it will assume. Its author is Dionysius of Halicarnassus, son of Alexander. And I begin from this point. 9.1. The city that is mistress of all the earth and sea, which the Romans now inhabit, is said to have been held, in the most ancient times recorded, by barbarian Sicels, a native people; what came before them—whether the land was held by others or was uninhabited—no one can say with certainty. In later time the Aborigines took possession of it, having wrested it from its holders in a long war. 9.2. These had formerly dwelt in the mountains, without walls, in scattered villages; but when the Pelasgians and certain others of the Greeks mingled with them and joined in their war against their neighbours, they drove out the Sicel race from the land, surrounded themselves with many cities, and brought into subjection to themselves all the territory bounded by two rivers, the Liris and the Tiber. These rivers take the beginning of their course from the foothills of the Apennine mountains, by which all Italy is cleft in two along its length; and parting from one another at their mouths by some eight hundred stades, they pour forth into the Tyrrhenian Sea—the Tiber emptying from the northern parts near the city of Ostia, and the Liris from the southern region, passing by Minturnae. 9.3. Both of these are colonies of the Romans. And the same people continued to dwell in the same region, never again driven out by others, though called by two successive changes of name: down to the Trojan War still preserving the ancient appellation of the Aborigines, but in the reign of King Latinus, who held power during the war of Ilium, beginning to be called Latins. 9.4. And when Romulus founded the city named after himself, sixteen generations after the Trojan War, they took the name they now bear, and in time contrived to grow from the smallest of nations into the greatest, and from the most obscure into the most renowned—through their humane reception of those in need of a dwelling among them, through their grant of citizenship to such as they nobly overcame in war, through their allowance that any slaves freed among them might be citizens, and through their disdain of no man's fortune, if only it might benefit the commonwealth; and, above all these things, through the good order of their government, which they established out of many sufferings, drawing some profit from every occasion. 10.1. As for the Aborigines, from whom the Roman race derives its origin, some declare them to be aboriginal inhabitants of Italy, a people sprung from the soil itself. (By Italy I mean the whole coastal land enclosed by the Ionian Gulf, the Tyrrhenian Sea, and, on the third side, by the Alps from the landward direction.) And they say that this first name was given them because they were the originators of birth to those who came after—as we might say "founders of a race" or "first-born." 10.2. Others say that certain homeless wanderers, gathering together from many places, met one another there by some divine guidance and established their dwellings upon the heights, living by brigandage and by pasturing flocks. And these alter the name as well, to one more suited to their fortunes, calling them Aberrigines, so that they are shown to be wanderers. By this account the tribe of the Aborigines comes near to differing in nothing from those whom the ancients called Leleges; for it was upon homeless and mingled peoples, who dwelt in no land firmly held as a fatherland, that this name was for the most part bestowed. 10.3. Others tell in legend that they were colonists of the Ligurians who border on the Umbrians; for the Ligurians inhabit many parts of Italy, and occupy some part of Celtica as well. Which of the two is their native land is uncertain; for nothing further is said about them with any clarity. 11.1. But the most learned of the Roman historians—among whom is Porcius Cato, who compiled with the greatest care the genealogies of the cities in Italy, and Gaius Sempronius, and many others—say that they were Greeks, of those who once dwelt in Achaea, having migrated many generations before the Trojan War. They do not, however, further define either the Greek tribe to which they belonged, or the city from which they removed, or the time, or the leader of the colony, or the fortunes by which they left their mother-city; and although they have employed a Greek tradition, they have produced none of the writers of Greek history to confirm it. What the truth may be is therefore uncertain; but if their account is sound, the Aborigines could be colonists of no other race than that now called the Arcadian. 11.2. For these were the first of the Greeks to cross the Ionian Gulf and settle in Italy, led by Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon; and he was the fifth in descent from Aezeius and Phoroneus, the first to hold sway in the Peloponnese. For of Phoroneus was born Niobe; and her son by Zeus, as is told, was Pelasgus; and the son of Aezeius was Lycaon; and his daughter was Deianeira; and from Deianeira and Pelasgus sprang a second Lycaon; and his son was Oenotrus, seventeen generations before those who marched against Troy. Such, then, was the time at which the Greeks sent out their colony to Italy. 11.3. Oenotrus removed from Greece because he was not content with his portion; for Lycaon having had two-and-twenty sons, the land of the Arcadians had to be divided into as many shares. For this reason, then, Oenotrus left the Peloponnese, equipped a fleet, and crossed the Ionian Sea, and with him Peucetius, one of his brothers. Many of their own people followed them—for this nation is said to have been numerous in its beginnings—and so did such other Greeks as had less land than sufficed them. 11.4. Peucetius, then, where they first put in along the coast of Italy, above the Iapygian promontory, disembarked his people and settled there; and from him those who dwell about that region were called Peucetians. But Oenotrus, leading the greater part of the host, came to the other gulf that washes the western side of Italy—which was then called Ausonian, from the Ausonians who dwelt beside it, but afterwards, when the Tyrrhenians became masters of the sea, took the name it now bears. 12.1. Finding a land much of it well suited to pasturage and much to tillage, but for the most part desolate, and even the inhabited part not populous, he cleared away the barbarian element from a portion of it and founded small cities, close together, upon the heights, this being the manner of habitation customary among the ancients. And the whole land, vast as it was, that he held came to be called Oenotria, and all the men over whom he ruled were called Oenotrians—this being the third name they had taken. For under the reign of Aezeius they were called Aezeians; when Lycaon succeeded to the rule, they were named Lycaonians after him; and when Oenotrus brought them into Italy, they were for a time called Oenotrians. 12.2. Sophocles the tragic poet bears witness to my account in his play Triptolemus; for Demeter is there represented as instructing Triptolemus how great a land he will be compelled to traverse, sowing it with the fruits she has given him. Mentioning first the eastern part of Italy—which runs from the Iapygian promontory to the Sicilian strait—and then touching upon Sicily over against it, she turns back again to the western part of Italy and goes through the greatest of the nations inhabiting that coast, making her beginning from the dwelling-place of the Oenotrians. It will suffice to cite these iambic lines alone, in which she says: "And what lies behind, on the right hand, all Oenotria and the Tyrrhenian Gulf, and the land of Liguria, shall receive you." 12.3. And Antiochus of Syracuse, a very ancient historian, in his work On the Settlement of Italy, recounting the most ancient inhabitants and what part of it each held, says that the Oenotrians were the first of those recorded to dwell in it, speaking thus: "Antiochus son of Xenophanes wrote this concerning Italy, the most trustworthy and clearest things out of the ancient accounts: this land, which is now called Italy, the Oenotrians held of old." Then, having gone through the manner in which they were governed, and how in time a king named Italus arose among them, from whom they were renamed Italians, and how Morges succeeded to his rule, from whom they were called Morgetes, and how Sicelus, being received as a guest by Morges and exercising a rule of his own, divided the nation, he adds these words: "Thus the Sicels and the Morgetes and the Italietes came to be, being Oenotrians." 13.1. Come now, let me show the stock from which the Oenotrians sprang, producing as witness another of the ancient historians, Pherecydes of Athens, second to none of the genealogists. For there is given by him this account concerning those who reigned in Arcadia: "Of Pelasgus and Deianeira is born Lycaon; this man marries Cyllene, a Naiad nymph, from whom the mountain Cyllene takes its name." Then, going through those born of these and the regions each settled, he makes mention of Oenotrus and Peucetius, saying thus: "And Oenotrus, from whom are called Oenotrians those who dwell in Italy, and Peucetius, from whom are called Peucetians those on the Ionian Gulf." 13.2. Such, then, is what has been said by the ancient poets and writers of legend concerning the dwelling-place and origin of the Oenotrians. Trusting in them, if indeed the Aborigines were a Greek tribe, as Cato and Sempronius and many others have stated, I suppose them to be descendants of these very Oenotrians. For the Pelasgian and the Cretan stocks, and whatever others settled in Italy, I find to have come in later times; and an expedition earlier than this, removing from Greece into the western parts of Europe, I am unable to discover. 13.3. The Oenotrians, I believe, occupied many regions of the rest of Italy, seizing some that were desolate and others that were poorly inhabited; and they also cut off a portion of the land of the Umbrians, and were called Aborigines from their dwelling in the mountains (for it is an Arcadian trait to delight in mountains), just as at Athens men are called highlanders and coast-dwellers. 13.4. But if any are by nature not too quick to accept without examination what is said about ancient matters, let them be in no haste, either, to suppose these men Ligurians or Umbrians or some other barbarians; rather let them wait to learn the rest as well, and then judge from the whole what is most probable. 14.1. Of the cities in which the Aborigines first dwelt, few survived in my day; the greater part, ruined by wars and other calamities, have been abandoned and left desolate. They lay in the territory of Reate, not far from the Apennine mountains, as Terentius Varro writes in his Antiquities, the nearest being a day's journey distant from the city of Rome at the shortest. The most notable of them I shall describe, as he records them. 14.2. Palatium, distant five-and-twenty stades from Reate (a city still inhabited by Romans even in my time), near the Quintian Way. Tribola, distant about sixty stades from the same city, set upon a moderate hill. Suesbola, the same distance from Tribola, near the Ceraunian mountains. Forty stades from this is the notable city of Suna, where there is a very ancient temple of Ares. 14.3. Mephyla, about thirty stades away from Suna; its ruins and the traces of its wall are shown. Forty stades distant from Mephyla is Orvinium, as notable and great as any other of the cities of that region; for there are visible the foundations of its walls, certain tombs of an ancient fashion, and the circuits of common burial-places stretching along upon lofty mounds. There too is an ancient temple of Athena, set upon the height. 14.4. Eighty stades from Reate, for those who go by the Curian Way past Mount Coretus, is Corsula, lately destroyed. And there is shown an island, named Issa, surrounded by a lake, which men are said to have inhabited without any artificial defence, using the marshes of the lake in place of walls. Near Issa is Maruvium, lying at the inmost recess of the same lake, distant forty stades from the place called the Seven Waters. 14.5. Going again from Reate along the Latin road, one comes to Batia at thirty stades, and at three hundred to Tiora, called Matiene. In this city there is said to have been a very ancient oracle of Ares. Its manner, they say, was much like that which legend tells once existed among the Dodonaeans; save that there, upon a sacred oak, a dove was said to sit and utter prophecies, while among the Aborigines a heaven-sent bird, which they call picus and the Greeks woodpecker, appearing upon a wooden pillar, did the same. 14.6. Four-and-twenty stades from the aforesaid city is Lista, the mother-city of the Aborigines, which the Sabines, marching against it by night from the city of Amiternum, took unguarded in still earlier times. Those who survived the capture, being received by the people of Reate, when after many attempts they were unable to recover it, dedicated the land as still their own, consecrating it to the gods and laying curses upon any who should thereafter reap its fruits. 15.1. Seventy stades from Reate is the notable city of Cotylia, lying upon a mountain; not far from it is a lake four plethra in extent, full of a natural spring that flows perpetually, and of a depth said to be unfathomable. The inhabitants, holding it sacred to Victory and having something of the divine about it, fence it about with garlands so that no man may approach the water, and keep it inviolable, save at certain yearly seasons when those to whom it is lawful, stepping upon the little island within it, perform the customary sacrifices. 15.2. The island is about fifty feet in diameter, and rises above the water no more than a foot in height; it is not fixed, but floats about, drifting now to one place and now to another as the breeze gently turns it. A herbage like sedge grows upon it, with certain small shrubs—a thing beyond the telling for those who have not beheld what Nature does, and second to no marvel. 16.1. In these regions, then, the Aborigines are said to have made their first settlement, having driven out the Umbrians from them. Setting out from here, they made war over the land upon the other barbarians and most of all upon the Sicels, who were their neighbours. First a band of sacred youth went forth—a few men sent out by their parents in search of a livelihood, fulfilling an ancient custom which I know many barbarians and Greeks to have observed. 16.2. For whenever the cities of some peoples increased to such a multitude that their native produce no longer sufficed for all, or when the land, afflicted by changes of the heavens, brought forth its accustomed fruits but scantily, or when some other such circumstance, whether for better or for worse, imposed upon the cities the necessity of reducing their numbers, they would dedicate to some one of the gods the men born in a given year, and send them forth, equipped with arms, out of their own land. If they were rendering thank-offerings to the gods for an increase of population or for victory in war, they would first offer the customary sacrifices and send the colonies forth with auspicious omens; but if they were seeking, on account of divine wrath, deliverance from the evils that beset them, they would do the like, themselves grieving and asking pardon of those whom they drove away. 16.3. And these emigrants, knowing that they would no longer share in their fathers' land unless they should win another, made the land that received them—whether in friendship or conquered in war—their fatherland. And the god to whom they had been dedicated at their departure was generally thought to lend them aid, and, beyond human expectation, to bring their colonies to a prosperous issue. 16.4. Following this custom, then, certain of the Aborigines also at that time, their territories being full of men (for they thought it right to slay none of their offspring, holding this no less than a pollution), dedicated to some god the men born in a given year, and, when these had come to manhood, sent them forth as colonists out of their own land; and these, after they had left their own country, continued to harry and plunder the Sicels. 16.5. And once these had gained possession of certain places in the enemy's land, the rest of the Aborigines too, those who needed land, now from a more secure footing each on their own account attacked their neighbours and founded other cities, including those inhabited to this day—the Antemnates, the Tellenes, the Ficolneans near the mountains called Cornicula, and the Tiburtines, among whom even down to the present time a part of the city is named Sicelian. And of all the neighbouring peoples they were the most troublesome to the Sicels. From these quarrels there arose a war between whole nations, greater than any that had before occurred in Italy, and it advanced, dragging on through a long time. 17.1. Thereafter certain of the Pelasgians, who dwelt in what is now called Thessaly, being compelled to leave their own land, became fellow-settlers with the Aborigines and made war in common with them against the Sicels. The Aborigines received them, perhaps in the hope of profit, but, as I am persuaded, 17.2. most of all on account of their kinship. For the race of the Pelasgians too was Greek, of old from the Peloponnese; and it met with ill-starred fortunes in many things, but above all in its much-wandering habitation, fixed in no place. For first they dwelt about what is now called Achaean Argos, being natives of the soil, as the many say of them. And they took this name at the outset from 17.3. King Pelasgus. Now Pelasgus was the son of Zeus, as is told, and of Niobe daughter of Phoroneus, with whom, as the legend has it, Zeus first lay among mortal women. In the sixth generation thereafter, leaving the Peloponnese, they removed to the land then called Haemonia and now Thessaly; and the leaders of the colony were Achaeus and Phthius and Pelasgus, the sons of Larisa and Poseidon. Coming to Haemonia, they drove out the barbarians dwelling in it and divided the land into three parts, naming the portions after the leaders—Phthiotis, Achaia, and Pelasgiotis. And after remaining there five generations, in which they advanced to the height of prosperity, reaping the finest of the plains in Thessaly, about the sixth generation they were driven out of Thessaly by the Curetes and Leleges, who are now called Aetolians and Locrians, and by many others dwelling about Parnassus, the leader of their enemies being Deucalion the son of Prometheus, his mother being Clymene the daughter of Ocean. 18.1. Scattered in their flight, some departed to Crete, some seized certain of the Cyclades islands, some settled the region about Olympus and Ossa, called Hestiaeotis, others were carried over into Boeotia and Phocis and Euboea; while those who crossed into Asia seized many places along the coast about the Hellespont and many of the islands lying near it, among them the one now called Lesbos, mingling with those who sent the first colony into it under the leadership of Macar the son of Crinacus. 18.2. But the greater part of them, turning through the interior toward their kinsmen dwelling in Dodona—on whom no one thought it right to make war, as they were sacred—remained there for a fitting time. But when they perceived that they were a burden, since the land was not sufficient to nourish all, they left the country in obedience to an oracle that bade them sail to Italy, which was then called Saturnia. 18.3. Having built many ships, they crossed the Ionian Sea, eager to reach the parts of Italy nearest to them; but borne too far out by a south wind and by ignorance of the regions, and putting in at one of the mouths of the Po, called the Spinetic, they there left their ships and the portion of the multitude least able to endure hardship, setting a guard over them, so that they might have a refuge if 18.4. matters should not go forward for them. And those who stayed behind in this place, having thrown a wall about the camp and brought in from the ships the provisions for their livelihood, when their affairs seemed to be going according to their wishes, founded a city of the same name as the mouth of the river; and they prospered, beyond any of those dwelling about the Ionian Sea, holding the mastery of the sea for a long time, and they sent up to Delphi, to the god, tithes of their gains from the sea, 18.5. as brilliant as any men ever sent. Later, however, when the neighbouring barbarians marched against them with a great force, they abandoned the city; and the barbarians in turn were in time driven out by the Romans. Thus the branch of the Pelasgians left behind at Spina perished. 19.1. But those who had turned through the interior, crossing the mountainous part of Italy, came to the land of the Umbrians, who bordered upon the Aborigines. The Umbrians inhabited many other regions of Italy as well, and this nation was among the very great and ancient. At first the Pelasgians held the places where they first established themselves, and seized some of the small towns of the Umbrians; but when a great army gathered against them, fearing the multitude of their enemies, they turned and withdrew into the land of the Aborigines. 19.2. And the Aborigines thought it right to treat them as enemies, and gathered in haste from the nearest places to drive them out. But the Pelasgians—who chanced at this time, by some divine guidance, to be encamped near the city of Cotylia of the Aborigines, beside the sacred lake—when they observed the little island whirling about within it, and heard from the captives whom they had taken from the fields the name of the inhabitants, supposed that the oracle had found its fulfilment for them. 19.3. For the oracle that had been given them at Dodona—which Lucius Mallius, a man of no obscure note, says he himself saw engraved in ancient letters upon one of the tripods set within the precinct of Zeus—ran thus: "Go, seeking the Saturnian land of the Sicels and the Cotyle of the Aborigines, where an island floats; mingling with these, send forth a tithe to Phoebus, and heads to the son of Cronus, and to the father send a man." 20.1. When, then, the Aborigines had come with a great army, the Pelasgians, holding out suppliant boughs, advanced to meet them unarmed, telling of their own fortunes and entreating them to receive them in friendship as fellow-settlers who would not be a burden, since the divine power was leading them to this land alone—expounding to them the oracle. 20.2. And the Aborigines, when they heard these things, resolved to obey the oracle and to gain a Greek alliance against the barbarians at variance with them, being hard pressed in their war against the Sicels. So they made a treaty with the Pelasgians and gave them lands cut off from their own, about the sacred lake, where most of the ground was marshy—lands now called, after the ancient manner of speech, Velia. 20.3. For it was customary with the ancient Greeks for the most part to set before names whose beginnings were from vowels the syllable "ou," written with a single letter. This was like a gamma, with two oblique strokes joined upon one upright, as in wHelen and 20.4. wAnax and wOikos and wAer and many such. Then a portion of them, and that no small one, since the land did not suffice for all, having persuaded the Aborigines to assist them in the expedition, marched against the Umbrians and, falling suddenly upon a prosperous and great city of theirs, took Croton. Using this as a fortress and stronghold against the Umbrians—it being equipped sufficiently to serve as a bulwark in war and having the surrounding country good for grazing—they gained possession of many other places besides, and continued with great zeal to help the Aborigines carry on the war against the Sicels, which was still in progress, until they drove them out of their land. 20.5. And the Pelasgians, in common with the Aborigines, inhabited many cities, some previously dwelt in by the Sicels, others built by themselves; among them is the city of the Caeretans, then called Agylla, and Pisa and Saturnia and Alsium and certain others, which in time were taken from them by the Tyrrhenians. 21.1. Falerium and Fescennium were still inhabited by Romans down to my own day, preserving some small embers of the Pelasgian race, having formerly belonged to the Sicels. In these cities many of the ancient usages once practised by the Greeks survived for a very long time: such as the fashion of their warlike arms—Argolic shields and spears; and that, whenever they began a war or repelled invaders by sending an army beyond their borders, certain sacred men went unarmed before the rest as bearers of truces; and the construction of their temples and the images of the gods, their rites of consecration and sacrifices, and many other such things. 21.2. But the most conspicuous monument of the former dwelling at Argos of those men who drove out the Sicels is the temple of Hera at Falerium, built as it was at Argos; where the manner of the sacrifices too was the same, and there were sacred women tending the precinct, and the so-called basket-bearer, a maiden pure of marriage, beginning the rites of sacrifice, and choirs of maidens hymning the goddess in ancestral songs. 21.3. These also obtained no small portion of the plains called Campanian, very good for pasturage and most pleasant to behold, having in part driven out a barbarian people, the Auronissi; and they built cities there, including Larisa, to which they gave the name of their mother-city in the Peloponnese. 21.4. Now of the other small towns some were still standing down to my time, though they had often changed their inhabitants; but Larisa, desolate from very ancient times, has no clear sign to those now living that it was ever inhabited at all, save its name—and not even that do many know. It was not far from what is called the Popilian market. They also held many other places, both along the coast and in the interior, having taken them from the Sicels. 22.1. The Sicels—for they were no longer able to hold out, being warred upon by the Pelasgians and the Aborigines—gathered up their children and wives and such of their goods as were gold or silver, and gave up the whole land to them. Turning through the mountainous country toward the south and passing through all the lower part of Italy, since they were everywhere driven on, in time they constructed rafts at the strait and, watching for the current to run down from Italy, crossed over to the nearest 22.2. island. It was held by the Sicani, an Iberian people, who had not long before settled in it, fleeing from the Ligurians, and who caused the island, formerly called Trinacria from its triangular shape, to be named Sicania after themselves. There were not many inhabitants in it, great as it was, but the greater part of the land was still desolate. The Sicels, then, brought down into it, dwelt first in the western parts, and afterwards in many other regions as well; and from them the island began at 22.3. that time to be called Sicilia. Thus the Sicel race left Italy—as Hellanicus of Lesbos says, in the third generation before the Trojan War, in the twenty-sixth year of the priesthood of Alcyone at Argos. He makes two Italic expeditions cross into Sicily: the earlier of the Elymians, whom he says were driven out by the Oenotrians; and the second, occurring five years afterward, of the Ausonians fleeing the Iapygians. He declares their king to have been Sicelus, from whom the name was given both to the people and to the island. 22.4. But as Philistus of Syracuse wrote, the time of the crossing was the eightieth year before the Trojan War, and the people brought over from Italy was neither that of the Sicels nor of the Ausonians nor of the Elymians, but of the Ligurians, led by Sicelus; and this man, he says, was the son of Italus, and the people were named Sicels in his reign. 22.5. And the Ligurians, he says, were driven from their own land by the Umbrians and the Pelasgians. Antiochus of Syracuse does not make clear the time of the crossing, but declares those who migrated to be Sicels, forced out by the Oenotrians and Opicans, having made Straton the leader of their colony. Thucydides writes that those who migrated were Sicels, that those who expelled them were Opicans, and that the time was many years after the Trojan War. Such, then, are the accounts given by writers of note concerning the Sicels who transferred their habitation from Italy to Sicily. 23.1. The Pelasgians, having gained possession of much good land, taking over many cities and building others themselves, made a great and rapid advance in population, wealth, and other prosperity—of which, however, they enjoyed no long benefit. For at the very time when they seemed in all things to flourish, driven on by certain divine wraths, some perished by visitations of heaven, others by the neighbouring barbarians; and the greater part of them were again scattered into Greece and into barbarian lands (of whom there would be much to say, if I wished to write the matter exactly), while a small remnant stayed in Italy through the providence of the Aborigines. 23.2. First, then, the ruin of the cities seemed to begin with the land's being afflicted by drought, when no fruit ripened upon the trees and remained, but they fell down unripe; nor did such seeds as sent up shoots and came to flower fulfil their due time until the ripening of the ear; nor did grass grow sufficient for the cattle; and of the streams, some were no longer wholesome to drink, others failed in summer, 23.3. and others were wholly dried up. Things akin to these befell the breeding of flocks and of women; for either the embryos were miscarried, or they perished in the very birth, in some cases destroying together with them the mothers that bore them. And if any escaped the danger of the pangs, it was maimed, or imperfect, or harmed by some other mischance, and was not fit to be reared. Then the rest of the people too, especially those in their prime, were afflicted by diseases and by deaths beyond the natural number. 23.4. When they inquired of the oracle which of the gods or divine powers they had transgressed against, that they suffered these things, and what they might do for the terrors to abate, the god replied that, having obtained what they wished, they had not rendered what they had vowed, but still owed the things of greatest worth. 23.5. For the Pelasgians, when there had come upon them a barrenness of their land in all produce, had vowed to Zeus and Apollo and the Cabeiri to sacrifice tithes of all that should thereafter be born to them; but when the vow was fulfilled, they set apart and offered to the gods the portion of fruits and of cattle alone, as though they had vowed concerning these only. This Myrsilus of Lesbos has recorded, writing in almost the same words as I do now, save that he does not call the men Pelasgians but Tyrrhenians; the reason for which I shall give a little later. 24.1. When they learned the oracle that had been brought back, they could not interpret what was said. While they were at a loss, one of the elders, interpreting the response, said that they had wholly erred if they thought the gods were accusing them unjustly; for of their goods all the first-fruits had been rendered rightly and with justice, but the portion of human offspring—a thing most precious of all to the gods—was still owed; and if they should receive this just share too, the response would find fulfilment for them. 24.2. To some this seemed rightly said, but to others the argument seemed framed from a plot; and when someone proposed the suggestion that they ask the god whether it was pleasing to him to receive tithes of men, they sent envoys a second time, and the god replied that they should so do. Thereupon dissension fell upon them concerning the manner of the tithing. And first those who presided over the cities were thrown into confusion among themselves; 24.3. then the rest of the people too took the magistrates in suspicion. And the departures took place in no order, but, as was natural, as men driven on by frenzy and divine affliction; and many whole households were blotted out when a part of their members removed, since their kinsmen did not think it right to be left bereft of their dearest and to remain among their bitterest enemies. 24.4. These, then, were the first to migrate from Italy and to wander into Greece and over much of the barbarian world. And after the first, others suffered the same, and this continued to happen every year; for those in power in the cities did not cease to set apart the first-fruits of the youth that was ever coming to manhood, both thinking it right to render the gods their due and fearing dissensions on the part of those who had escaped notice. There was also much that was driven out, under a specious pretext, through enmity on the part of those at variance with one another; so that the departures were many, and the Pelasgian race was scattered over the greatest extent of the earth. 25.1. In matters of war they were better than many, since they had made their training amid dangers, living among warlike nations; and in nautical skill they had advanced very far through their dwelling with the Tyrrhenians; and necessity, which is sufficient to furnish daring to men destitute of a livelihood, became their leader and teacher in every venture, 25.2. so that they prevailed without difficulty wherever they went. And they were called by other men, by the appellation of the country from which they had set out and by the memory of their ancient stock, the same men both Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians. Of which I have made mention, that no one may marvel, whenever he hears poets or historians naming the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, how the same men came to bear both names. 25.3. For concerning them Thucydides has a clear mention of the Thracian promontory and the cities lying upon it, which men of two tongues inhabit. And concerning the Pelasgian nation his words are these: "There is in it also something Chalcidic, but the greatest part is Pelasgic, of the Tyrrhenians who once inhabited Lemnos and Athens." 25.4. And in Sophocles, in the play Inachus, an anapaestic verse spoken by the chorus is composed thus: "Inachus the giver, child of the father of springs, Ocean, holding great precedence over the plains of Argos and the hills of Hera, and over the Tyrsenian Pelasgians." 25.5. For the name of Tyrrhenia was at that time spread through Greece, and all of western Italy, stripped of the appellations of its several peoples, took on that designation—just as happened in many other parts of Greece, and about what is now called the Peloponnese. For from one of the peoples dwelling in it, the Achaean, the whole peninsula—in which are the Arcadian and the Ionian and many other peoples—was named Achaia. 26.1. The time at which the Pelasgian race began to suffer was about the second generation before the Trojan War; and it extended even after the Trojan War, until the people was reduced to the smallest number. For except Croton, a city of note among the Umbrians, and whatever else happened to have been settled in the land of the Aborigines, the rest of the Pelasgian towns were destroyed. Croton long preserved its ancient form; but it is not long since it changed both its name and its inhabitants, and now it is a Roman colony, and is called 26.2. Corthonia. Those who took over the cities of the Pelasgians who had left the country were many others, as each happened to have their dwellings bordering on certain places, but most of all, the most numerous and the best, the Tyrrhenians. Some declare the Tyrrhenians to be natives of Italy, others newcomers. And this appellation those who make the people indigenous say was given them from the strongholds which they, first of those dwelling there, constructed; for among the Tyrrhenians too, walled and roofed dwellings are called towers (tyrseis), as among the Greeks. From what befell them, then, they hold the name to have been given, just as to the Mosynoeci in Asia; for those too dwell upon high palisades like wooden towers, calling them mosynes. 27.1. But those who tell in legend that they were immigrants declare that Tyrrhenus, having become the leader of the colony, gave the people their name from himself; and that he was a Lydian by race, from the country formerly called Maeonia, being some ancient immigrant. And he was fifth in descent from Zeus, they say, holding that from Zeus and Earth was born Manes, the first king in this land; and of him and Callirrhoe daughter of Ocean was begotten Cotys; and to Cotys, who married Halie the daughter of Tyllus the earth-born, were born two sons, Asies and Atys; 27.2. and of Atys and Callithea daughter of Choraeus sprang Lydus and Tyrrhenus; and Lydus, remaining there, took over his father's rule, and from him the land was named Lydia; while Tyrrhenus, having led the colony, gained much of Italy and gave this appellation to those who shared in his expedition. 27.3. By Herodotus the family of Tyrrhenus are called sons of Atys the son of Manes, and the migration of the Maeonians into Italy was not voluntary. For he says that in the reign of Atys there came a barrenness of produce upon the land of the Maeonians, and that the people, while at first held back by their love of country, devised many remedies against the calamity—on one day taking moderate food, on the next enduring without; but when the distress dragged on, they divided the whole people in two and cast lots upon the portions, one for departure from the country, the other for remaining, and of the sons of Atys assigned one to the one part and the other to the other. 27.4. And when the portion that was with Lydus drew the lot of remaining, the other, having received its share of the goods, withdrew; and putting in at the western parts of Italy, where the Umbrians had their dwelling, it remained there and founded the cities still existing in his very day. 28.1. I know that many other historians too have made use of this account concerning the race of the Tyrrhenians—some in the same terms, others altering the settlement and the time. For some said that Tyrrhenus was the son of Heracles by Omphale the Lydian, and that he, coming to Italy, drove the Pelasgians out of the cities—not all of them, but those that were beyond the Tiber in the northern part. Others declare Tyrrhenus to be the son of Telephus, and that he came to Italy after the capture of Troy. 28.2. But Xanthus the Lydian, a man as well versed in ancient history as any other, and one who would be reckoned no less a confirmer of his country's traditions than any, has nowhere in his writing named Tyrrhenus as a ruler of the Lydians, nor does he know of a colony of the Maeonians taking possession of Italy, nor has he made any mention of Tyrrhenia, though he mentions other less notable foundations of the Lydians. He says that the sons of Atys were Lydus and Torebus, and that these, having divided their father's rule, both remained in Asia; and that the peoples over whom they ruled received their names from them, speaking thus: "From Lydus come the Lydians, from Torebus the Torebians. Their speech differs a little, and even now they mock one another with no few words, as do the Ionians and 28.3. the Dorians." But Hellanicus of Lesbos says that the Tyrrhenians, formerly called Pelasgians, took the appellation they now have when they settled in Italy. And his account in the Phoronis runs thus: "Of Pelasgus their king and of Menippe daughter of Peneus was born Phrastor, and of him Amyntor, and of him Teutamides, and of him Nanas. In his reign the Pelasgians were driven out by the Greeks, and leaving their ships at the river Spinetus in the Ionian Gulf, they took Croton, a city in the interior, and setting out from there they founded what is now called Tyrsenia." 28.4. But Myrsilus, declaring the contrary to Hellanicus, says that the Tyrrhenians, when they had left their own land, were in their wandering renamed Pelargi (storks), being likened to the birds called storks, since they roved in flocks both into Greece and into barbarian lands; and that these built for the Athenians the wall about the Acropolis, called the Pelargic. 29.1. To me, however, all those seem to err who have been persuaded that the Tyrrhenian and the Pelasgian are one and the same people. That they should once have shared in each other's name was nothing to marvel at, since certain other peoples too, some Greek, some barbarian, have suffered the same—as the Trojan and the Phrygian, dwelling near one another (indeed by many both these were thought one race, differing in name and not in nature); and not least among those elsewhere blended together by likeness of names are the peoples in Italy. 29.2. For there was a time when the Latins and the Umbrians and the Ausonians and many others too were called Tyrrhenians by the Greeks, the distance of the peoples' habitation making the exact truth obscure to those far off; and many of the historians supposed Rome itself to be a Tyrrhenian city. The interchange of names, then, since also of ways of life, I am persuaded befell these peoples; but that both partook of a common race I am not persuaded, judging from many other things, and most of all from their tongues, which are different and preserve no likeness whatever. 29.3. "For neither," as Herodotus says, "are the Crotoniates of like speech with any of those who now dwell about them, nor the Placiani; but they are of like speech with one another. And they make it plain that the character of speech they brought with them when they removed into these regions they keep under guard." And yet one might marvel that the Crotoniates had a dialect like that of the Placiani dwelling about the Hellespont, since both were Pelasgians from the first, but none at all like that of the Tyrrhenians who dwell nearest them. For if kinship is to be supposed the cause of likeness of speech, surely the other—diversity of speech—is the mark of the absence of kinship; 29.4. for it is not possible to hold both on the same principle. And indeed the one would even have had some reason for occurring—namely that men of the same race, having made their habitations far from one another, no longer preserved the same character of dialect, on account of their intercourse with their neighbours; but that men dwelling in the same regions should agree in nothing whatever in speech, if sprung from the same race, has no reason at all. 30.1. Using this proof, then, I am persuaded that the Pelasgians are a people distinct from the Tyrrhenians. Nor indeed do I think that the Tyrrhenians were colonists of the Lydians; for neither are they of like speech with them, nor can it be said that, though they no longer use a similar tongue, they yet preserve certain other tokens of their mother-city. For they neither hold the same gods as the Lydians, nor do they use similar laws or pursuits; rather, in these very things they differ more from the Lydians than from the Pelasgians. 30.2. For they come nearer to speaking what resembles the truth who declare the people to have come from nowhere, but to be native, since it is found to be very ancient and of like tongue and like manner of life with no other race. Nothing, however, prevents its having been named by the Greeks with this appellation, both on account of its dwellings in towers and 30.3. from a man who was its ruler. The Romans, however, call it by other names; for from the country in which it once dwelt, called Etruria, they call the men Etruscans; and from their experience in the ministrations concerning divine worship, in which they surpass others, they now call them, less precisely, Tusci, but formerly, getting the name exactly, they called them, as the Greeks do, Thyoscoi (sacrificers). They themselves, however, call themselves, after one of their leaders, Rasenna, in the same manner as that man. 30.4. What cities the Tyrrhenians founded, what orders of government they established, how great a power they all had, what deeds worthy of record they accomplished, and what fortunes befell them, shall be set forth in another work. 30.5. The Pelasgian tribe, then—so much of it as was not destroyed and scattered among the colonies, but remained, a small remnant of a great host, sharing in government with the Aborigines—was left behind in these regions, where in time their descendants, together with the others, built Rome. Such, then, are the legends told concerning the Pelasgian race. 31.1. Not long afterward another Greek expedition came down into these regions of Italy, about sixty years before the Trojan War, as the Romans themselves say, having set out from the Arcadian city of Pallantium. The leader of the colony was Evander, said to be the son of Hermes and of a certain nymph native to the Arcadians, whom the Greeks say was Themis and declare to have been inspired, but those who have written the Roman antiquities name in the native tongue Carmenta. The name of the nymph would be, in the Greek tongue, Thespiodos (singer of prophecies); for the Romans call songs carmina, and they agree that this woman, being possessed by a divine spirit, foretold to the people through song the things that were to come to pass. 31.2. This expedition was not sent forth by common consent, but, the people having fallen into discord, the defeated party withdrew willingly. It chanced that at that time Faunus had received the kingdom of the Aborigines, a descendant, they say, of Ares, a man both active and prudent, whom the Romans honour with sacrifices and songs as one of the native divinities. This man, receiving the Arcadians, who were few, with much friendship, gave them as much of his own land as they wished. 31.3. And the Arcadians, as Themis, prophesying to them, directed, chose a hill a little distance from the Tiber, which is now about the middle of the city of Rome, and built near it a small village, sufficient for the two ships' companies with which they had come from Greece—a village which fate was in time to make so great that no Greek or barbarian city should surpass it in size of habitation, in dignity of dominion, and in all other prosperity, and that, for as long as mortal life endures, 31.4. it should be remembered above almost all cities. They gave this town the name Pallantium, after their mother-city in Arcadia; now, however, it is called by the Romans Palatium, time having confounded the exact form and furnishing many men occasions for absurd etymologies. 32.1. But as some relate, among whom is also Polybius of Megalopolis, it was named after a youth, Pallas, who died there; and this youth was the son of Heracles and of Launa, the daughter of Evander; and his grandfather, having heaped up a tomb for him upon the hill, named the place Pallantium after the youth. 32.2. I, however, have neither beheld any tomb of Pallas in Rome, nor learned of libations being performed, nor been able to see anything else of the sort, although this house is not left unremembered, nor without a share of the honours with which the divine race is honoured by men. For I have learned that sacrifices are performed by the Romans to Evander every year at public charge, and to Carmenta, just as to the other heroes and divinities, and I have beheld altars set up—to Carmenta beneath what is called the Capitol, beside the Carmental gates, and to Evander beside another of the hills, called the Aventine, not far from the Triple gate; but to Pallas 32.3. I know of none of these things being done. The Arcadians, then, settled together beneath the hill, ordered the foundation in other respects according to their native customs, and set up shrines—first to Lycaean Pan, at the direction of Themis (for among the Arcadians Pan is the oldest and most honoured of the gods)—having found a fitting place, which the Romans call the Lupercal, and we should call the Lycaeum. 32.4. Now indeed, since the surrounding places have been built up together with the precinct, the ancient nature of the spot has become hard to conjecture; but of old, as is told, there was a great cave beneath the hill, roofed over with thick wood, and springs deep beneath the rocks, and the glen adjoining the cliff was shaded with dense and great trees. 32.5. There, having set up an altar to the god, they performed the ancestral sacrifice, which down to our own time the Romans offer in the month of February after the winter solstice, changing nothing of what was then done; the manner of the sacrifice shall be told hereafter. And upon the summit of the hill, having set apart the precinct of Victory, they established yearly sacrifices to her as well, which even in my day the Romans offered. 33.1. This goddess the Arcadians tell in legend to be the daughter of Pallas the son of Lycaon; and the honours she now has from men she received, they say, by the will of Athena, having been the foster-companion of the goddess. For Athena was given immediately from her birth to Pallas by Zeus, and was reared with him until she came to maturity. They also set up a shrine of Demeter and offered sacrifices to her through women and without wine, as is the custom among the Greeks, 33.2. of which our time has changed nothing. They also assigned a precinct to Poseidon Hippios and established the festival called Hippocrateia by the Arcadians but Consualia by the Romans, in which it is the custom among the Romans for horses and mules to rest from labour and to be wreathed about the head with flowers. 33.3. Many other precincts too, and altars and images of the gods, they consecrated, and they established ancestral rites and sacrifices, which down to my own times were performed in the same manner. I should not marvel, however, if some have been omitted, having escaped the memory of later generations through their very great antiquity; yet those still performed now suffice to be proofs of the Arcadian customs of old; but more shall be said of them elsewhere. 33.4. The Arcadians are also said to have been the first to bring into Italy the use of Greek letters, lately come to light, and music through instruments—those called lyres and triangles and pipes—since the earlier inhabitants used no other device of music save shepherds' reed-pipes; to have laid down laws, and to have brought their way of life for the most part from a beast-like state to gentleness; to have introduced arts and pursuits and many other benefits to the common stock; and on this account to have met with much care from those who received them. 33.5. This was the second Greek people to come, after the Pelasgians, into Italy, and it had a dwelling in common with the Aborigines, established in the strongest part of Rome. 34.1. A few years after the Arcadians, another Greek expedition came into Italy, led by Heracles, who came after subduing Iberia and all the lands as far as the setting of the sun. Some of his followers, having begged Heracles to be released from the campaign, remained about these regions and built a town, having found a fitting hill, separated from the Pallantium by about three stades in length, which is now called the Capitoline, but was called by the men of that time Saturnius—as one might say in the Greek tongue Cronius. 34.2. Of those left behind, the greater part were Peloponnesians—Pheneatae and Epeans from Elis—who had no longer any longing for the way home, their country having been laid waste in the war against Heracles; and there was mingled with them some Trojan element as well, of those taken captive from Ilium in the reign of Laomedon, when Heracles took the city. And it seems to me that of the rest of the host too, whatever was wearied or oppressed by the wandering, having begged release from the campaign, remained in this 34.3. place. As for the name of the hill, some think, as I said, that it is ancient, and that for this reason the Epeans not least delighted in the hill, in memory of the Cronian hill in Elis, which is in the land of Pisa near the river Alpheus, and which the Eleans, holding it sacred to Cronus, honour with sacrifices and other honours, gathering at appointed times. 34.4. But Euxenus, an ancient poet, and certain others of the Italian writers of legend think that the name was given to the place by the Pisatans themselves, on account of its likeness to the Cronium among them, and that the Epeans set up the altar to Cronus together with Heracles—which even now remains at the foot of the hill on the ascent leading from the forum to the Capitol—and that they were the ones who established the sacrifice which even in my day the Romans offered, keeping the Greek custom. 34.5. But as I find by inference, even before Heracles came to Italy the place was sacred to Cronus, called by the inhabitants Saturnius, and the whole rest of the coast now called Italy was dedicated to this god, being named Saturnia by those dwelling in it—as may be found stated in certain Sibylline oracles and other responses given by the gods; and shrines have been set up to the god in many parts of the country, and certain cities are named thus, as the whole coast then was, and many places bear the divinity's name, especially the crags and the heights. 35.1. But in time it was named Italy, after a man who was its ruler, named Italus. This man, Antiochus of Syracuse says, having become good and wise, and persuading some of his neighbours by words and bringing others over by force, made all the land subject to himself that lay within the gulfs of Napetus and Scylletium; and this was the first to be called Italy, after Italus. And when he had become master of this and had many men subject to him, he straightway reached out for the lands adjoining and gathered together many cities; and he was an Oenotrian by race. 35.2. But Hellanicus of Lesbos says that Heracles, when he was driving the cattle of Geryon to Argos, since one of the calves leapt away from the herd while he was now in Italy and, fleeing, ran through the coast and, swimming across the strait of sea between, came to Sicily, Heracles, ever asking the inhabitants among whom he came in his pursuit of the calf whether anyone had seen it—the men of that land understanding little of the Greek tongue, and in their native speech, in pointing out the animal, calling the calf vitulus, as it is called even now—named the whole land through which the calf passed, after the animal, 35.3. Vitulia. And it is no marvel that the name was changed in time to its present form, since many Greek names too have suffered the like. But whether, as Antiochus says, it took this name from a man who was its leader—which is perhaps the more probable—or, as Hellanicus thinks, from the bull, this at least is plain from both: that it was so named in the age of Heracles, or a little before. Before this, the Greeks called it Hesperia and Ausonia, and the inhabitants Saturnia, as I have said before. 36.1. There is also another account told in legend by the inhabitants: that before the reign of Zeus, Cronus held sway in this land, and that the life said to have been in his time, abundant in all that the seasons produce, was nowhere more so than among them. 36.2. And if anyone, otherwise removing the legendary part of the account, should wish to examine the excellence of a land from which the human race reaped the most numerous delights, having come into being—whether straightway from the earth, as the ancient account has it, or in some other way—he would find none more fitting than this. For, as one land is to be judged against another of so great a size, Italy is, in my opinion, the best, not only of Europe but of all the rest of the world. 36.3. And yet it does not escape me that to many I shall seem to say what is not credible, when they call to mind Egypt and Libya and Babylon and any other prosperous lands. But I do not reckon the wealth that comes from the earth in a single kind of produce, nor does an eagerness come upon me for a habitation in which there are only rich fields, but nothing else, or but little, that is useful; rather, whatever land may be most self-sufficient and least in need, for the most part, of imported goods, this I reckon the best. And that Italy is, beyond any other land, all-bearing and of much benefit, I am persuaded. 37.1. For it is not that she has good and many fields but is treeless, as one fit for corn; nor again that she is sufficient to nourish all manner of plants but is poor in fruit when sown, as one fit for trees; nor that she furnishes both these things in abundance but is unsuited for the pasturing of flocks; nor could anyone say that she is rich in fruit and trees and pasture, but an unpleasant dwelling-place for men; rather, she is, one may say, full of every delight and 37.2. benefit. For what corn-bearing land does she fall short of, when the plains of Campania, watered not by rivers but by the waters of heaven, fall short of none—in which I have beheld fields bearing three crops, producing a summer sowing upon a winter one and an autumn upon a summer? What olive-bearing land, when she has the farms of the Messapians and Daunians and Sabines and many others? What vine-planted land, when Tyrrhenia and the Alban country and the lands of the Falernians are marvellously fond of the vine, and able with the least labour to bring forth at once the most numerous and the finest fruits? 37.3. And apart from the land under cultivation, one would find much of it given over to flocks, and much to the grazing of goats, and still more—and more marvellous—to the rearing of horses and cattle; for the marsh and meadow herbage, being abundant, and the dewy and well-watered pastures, boundless in extent, are grazed in summer and furnish flourishing herds throughout the year. 37.4. But most marvellous of all are the forests about the steep regions and the glens and the untilled hills, from which they are supplied with much fine timber fit for shipbuilding, and much suited for other works. And of these nothing is hard to procure or lying far from human use, but all are easy to work and ready at hand, on account of the multitude of the rivers which flow through the whole coast and make the conveyance and exchange of the things that grow from the earth profitable. 37.5. The land has also springs of hot waters found in many places, to furnish baths most pleasant and to heal chronic diseases best of all, and mines of every kind, and abundant takings of game, and a sea of teeming fertility, and countless other things, some useful, some marvellous; and, finest of all, an air tempered with the seasons in due measure, such as least harms, by excesses of cold or extraordinary heats, the bringing-forth of fruits and the nature of living things. 38.1. No marvel was it, then, that the ancients held this land sacred to Cronus, deeming this divinity to be the giver and fulfiller to men of all happiness—whether one ought to call him Cronus, as the Greeks think fit, or Saturn, as the Romans, but one who embraces the whole nature of the universe, by whichever name one names him—and seeing this land full of all that abundance and grace which the mortal race desires; thinking too that to the divine and the mortal race alike there is a fitting portion, and that of all places this was the most suitable: the mountains and glens to Pan, the meadows and verdant places to the nymphs, the shores and islands to the divinities of the deep, and the rest, as each was 38.2. proper to some god and divinity. They say also that the ancients performed human sacrifices to Cronus, as was done at Carthage so long as that city endured, and as is done among the Celts to this day, and among certain others of the western peoples; and that Heracles, wishing to put a stop to the law of that sacrifice, both set up the altar upon the Saturnian hill and made beginning of pure offerings consecrated upon a clean fire; and that, so men might have no scruple, as having neglected their ancestral sacrifices, he taught the inhabitants to appease the wrath of the god—in place of the men whom they used to bind, render helpless of hand, and cast into the stream of the Tiber—by making images in the likeness of men, adorned in the same manner as those, and casting them into the river, so that whatever of dread remained in the souls of all might be removed, the likenesses of the ancient practice being still preserved. 38.3. This the Romans continued to do down to my own day, a little after the spring equinox, in the month of May, on what are called the Ides, wishing this to be the day of the full moon; on which, after offering the sacrifices prescribed by the laws, those called Pontifices, the most distinguished of the priests, and with them the maidens who guard the immortal fire, and the praetors, and such others of the citizens as it is lawful to be present at the rites, cast images fashioned in the likeness of men, thirty in number, from the sacred bridge into the stream of the Tiber, calling them 38.4. Argives. But concerning the sacrifices and the other rites which the city of Rome performs both after the Greek and after the native manner, we shall speak in another work; the present occasion seems rather to require that we go through the coming of Heracles to Italy with greater care, and not pass over anything worth recording that he did there. 39.1. Of the things told concerning this divinity, some are more legendary, others nearer the truth. The legendary account of his coming runs thus: that Heracles, commanded by Eurystheus, among his other labours, to drive the cattle of Geryon from Erytheia to Argos, having accomplished the labour and making his way homeward, came to many other parts of Italy and also to that region of the land of the Aborigines adjoining the Pallantium. 39.2. And finding there much fine pasture for cattle, he turned the cattle out to graze, and himself, weighed down with weariness, lay down and gave himself to sleep. Meanwhile a native robber, by name Cacus, came upon the cattle grazing unguarded and conceived a desire for them. And when he perceived Heracles sleeping there, thinking he could not drive off all of them undetected, and seeing too that the thing was not easy, he hid away a few of them in the cave in which he chanced to dwell near by, dragging each by the tail in the direction contrary to the natural course of the animals' walk; which could provide him concealment of the proofs, the track being made to appear opposite to the footprints. 39.3. Heracles, rising after a little and counting the number of the cattle, when he found some missing, was for a time at a loss whither they had gone, and, thinking them strayed from the pasture, sought them throughout the place; but when he could not find them, he came to the cave, baffled by the tracks, yet thinking he must none the less search the place. Cacus stood before the door, denying that he had seen the cattle when questioned, not allowing a search when asked, and crying out to his neighbours that he was being grievously treated by the stranger; whereupon Heracles, at a loss what to do in the matter, bethought himself to drive the rest of the cattle up to the cave. And when those within perceived the voice and scent of their fellows, they lowed in answer to those without, and their voice became 39.4. an accuser of the theft. Cacus, then, when he was caught in his crime, turned to defence and called upon those accustomed to keep the fields with him; but Heracles, beating him down with his club, slew him, and leading out the cattle, since he saw the place well suited for harbouring evildoers, threw down the cave upon it with his staff. And having purified the slaughter at the river, he set up near the place an altar of Zeus the Finder, which is in Rome beside the Triple gate, and sacrificed to the god one calf as a thank-offering for the finding of the cattle. This sacrifice the city of Rome still performed in my day, using in it all Greek customs, just as he established. 40.1. The Aborigines and those of the Arcadians who dwelt in the Pallantium, when they learned of the death of Cacus and saw Heracles, hating the one for his robberies but struck with awe at the look of the other, thought they beheld some divine being, and counted the loss of the robber a great piece of good fortune. The poorer among them, plucking branches of laurel, which grew abundantly about the place, wreathed both him and themselves; and their kings came to invite Heracles to a guest-feast. And when, as he related his name and race and deeds, they learned them, they put into his hands both their land and themselves in friendship. 40.2. But Evander, who had still earlier heard Themis declare that it was fated that Heracles, born of Zeus and Alcmene, should, exchanging his mortal nature, become immortal through virtue, as soon as he learned who he was, wishing to be the first of all men to propitiate Heracles with the honours of the gods, hastily set up an improvised altar and sacrificed at it an unyoked calf, having related the oracle to Heracles and asked him to begin the rites. 40.3. And Heracles, admiring the men for their hospitality, received the people with a feast, sacrificing some of the cattle and setting apart the tithes of the rest of the spoil; and the kings he presented with much land of the Ligurians and the other neighbouring peoples, the rule of which they greatly prized, having driven out of it certain lawless men. It is said besides that he made a request of the inhabitants—since they were the first to deem him a god—that they should preserve for him immortal honours, sacrificing an unyoked calf every year and performing the rite according to Greek usages; and that he taught them the sacrifices, so that they might ever offer what was pleasing to him, taking over two of the distinguished houses. 40.4. And those who then learned the Greek rite were the Potitii and the Pinarii, from whom the families long continued to have charge of the sacrifices, as he established—the Potitii leading the rite and beginning the burnt-offerings, and the Pinarii being excluded from a share of the entrails and holding the second honour in whatever else had to be done by both. And this dishonour, they say, was laid upon them on account of their late arrival, since, having been bidden to come at dawn, they arrived when the entrails of the victims had already been consumed. 40.5. Now, however, the charge of these rites no longer rests with these families, but slaves bought at public charge perform them. For what causes the custom was changed, and what manifestation of the divinity occurred concerning the change of the sacrificers, I shall relate when I come to that part of my 40.6. account. The altar on which Heracles offered the tithes is called by the Romans the Greatest, and is near the so-called Cattle Market, held sacred above any other by the inhabitants; for upon it oaths and compacts are made by those wishing to transact anything securely, and frequent tithings of goods are offered in fulfilment of vows. In construction, however, it falls far short of its repute. In many other parts of Italy too precincts have been dedicated to the god, and altars set up both in cities and along the roads; and one would rarely find a place in Italy where the god does not happen to be honoured. Such, then, is the legendary account handed down concerning him. 41.1. But the truer account, which many of those who have related his deeds in the form of history have followed, is this: that Heracles, having become the greatest general of his time and commanding a great force, traversed all the land within the Ocean, putting down whatever tyranny was harsh and grievous to its subjects, or city that insolently outraged its neighbours, or settlements of men using a savage way of life and lawless slaughter of strangers; and establishing lawful kingdoms and temperate governments and humane and sociable ways of life. Besides this, blending barbarians with Greeks and inlanders with sea-folk, who until then had held suspicious and intractable intercourse, founding cities in desolate lands, turning aside rivers that flooded the plains, cutting tracks through trackless mountains, and contriving all else, so that all land and sea should become common to the uses of all. 41.2. And he came into Italy not with a single ship nor merely driving a herd of cattle (for neither was the region in the path of those returning from Iberia to Argos, nor would it, for the mere passing through, have been deemed worthy of such honour), but leading a great army for the subjugation and rule of the men there, having already subdued Iberia; and he was compelled to spend more time there, both because of the absence of his fleet, which happened when winter set in, and because not all the peoples holding Italy came over to him willingly. 41.3. For besides the other barbarians, the Ligurian race, numerous and warlike, established at the passes of the Alpine mountains, undertook to bar his entrances into Italy by arms; where the greatest struggle befell the Greeks, all their missiles failing them in the battle. Aeschylus, among the ancient poets, makes this war plain in his Prometheus Unbound; for Prometheus is there represented as foretelling to Heracles, among other things, what was to befall him in each part of the expedition against Geryon, and in particular, concerning the Ligurian war, relating how the struggle would not be easy. The verses run thus: "You will come to the fearless host of the Ligurians, where, fierce though you are, you will not, I well know, find fault with the battle; for it is fated that even your missiles shall fail you there." 42.1. And when, having subdued these, he had gained control of the passes, some delivered their cities to him willingly—especially such as were of Greek race or had no forces worth reckoning—but the greater part submitted only after war and siege. 42.2. Among these conquered in battle, they say, was also the Cacus whom the Romans tell of in legend—a ruler altogether barbarous, lord of savage men, perched upon strong places and on that account troublesome to his neighbours. When he learned that Heracles had encamped in the adjoining plain, equipping himself after the manner of robbers, he made a sudden raid while the army slept and, gathering up such of the spoil as he came upon unguarded, 42.3. drove it off. Later, shut up in a siege by the Greeks, he both saw his strongholds taken by storm and was himself slain within his fastnesses. His strongholds being razed, the surrounding places were taken over by those who had come out with Heracles, each on their own account—certain Arcadians who were with Evander, and Faunus the king of the Aborigines. And one might conjecture that those of the Greeks who remained there—the Epeans and the Arcadians from Pheneus and the Trojans—were left behind for 42.4. the guarding of the country. For this too was one of the generalship-like deeds of Heracles, and as fit to be admired as any: that he led along on his campaigns, for a time, those uprooted from the conquered cities, but, when they had zealously helped him bear the wars through, settled them in lands won by the spear and enriched them with wealth furnished by others. For these things, then, the greatest name and glory of Heracles came to be in Italy, and not on account of the passage through, which had nothing august about it. 43.1. Some say that he also left behind in these regions, which the Romans now inhabit, sons born of two women: Pallas, by the daughter of Evander, whose name they say was Launa; and Latinus, by a certain Hyperborean girl, whom her father gave him as a hostage and whom he led along, and for a time kept pure of marriage, but, when he was sailing to Italy, falling in love, he got with child; and when he was about to set off for Argos, he gave her in marriage to Faunus the king of the Aborigines. For which reason the many believe Latinus to be the son of this man, not of Heracles. 43.2. Pallas, then, they say, died before reaching manhood; but Latinus, come to manhood, took over the rule of the Aborigines. And when he died without male children, in the battle against the neighbouring Rutulians, the rule passed to Aeneas the son of Anchises, who had become his son-in-law. But these things happened at other times. 44.1. Heracles, when he had settled all matters in Italy as he wished, and his naval force had come safely from Iberia, having sacrificed to the gods the tithes of the spoils and founded a small town named after himself, where his fleet lay at anchor—which even now, inhabited by the Romans, lies midway between Neapolis and Pompeii, having harbours secure in every season—and having obtained glory and emulation and honours equal to the gods among all who dwell in Italy, 44.2. set off for Sicily. And the guards and settlers of Italy left behind by him, established about the Saturnian hill, for a time were governed by themselves; but a little while later, having brought together their own way of life and laws and shrines of the gods with those of the Aborigines—as the Arcadians, and still earlier the Pelasgians, had done—and having shared the same city with the Aborigines, they came to be reckoned of the same race. Concerning the expedition of Heracles, then, and the remaining of the Peloponnesians in Italy, let this much be said. 44.3. In the second generation after the departure of Heracles, in about the fifty-fifth year, as the Romans themselves say, the king of the Aborigines was Latinus the son of Faunus, an offspring of Heracles, holding the rule in his thirty-fifth year. 45.1. About this time the Trojans who had escaped with Aeneas from Ilium, when the city was taken, put in at Laurentum, a shore of the Aborigines lying upon the Tyrrhenian Sea, not far from the mouth of the Tiber; and receiving from the Aborigines a place to dwell in and whatever else they asked, they built a town a little distance from the sea upon a certain hill, giving the city the name Lavinium. 45.2. A little later, changing their ancient name together with the Aborigines, they were named Latins after the king of the country; and removing from Lavinium in common with the inhabitants, they enclosed a larger city, which they called Alba, from which, setting out, they founded many other cities of those called the Prisci Latini, the greater part of which were still inhabited in my day. 45.3. Sixteen generations after the capture of Ilium, sending out a colony to the Pallantium and the Saturnia, where the Peloponnesians and Arcadians had made their first settlement, and where some embers of the ancient race still remained, they settled the places, enclosing the Pallantium with walls, so that it took the form of a city then for the first time. And they gave the foundation the name Rome, after Romulus, who had led out the colony, and who was the seventeenth 45.4. in descent from Aeneas. But concerning the coming of Aeneas into Italy too—since by some of the historians the account concerning him has been left unknown, and by others disputed—I wish to go through it not carelessly, comparing the histories both of the Greeks and of the Romans most to be trusted. What is said concerning him runs thus. 46.1. When Ilium was taken by the Achaeans—whether by the deceit of the wooden horse, as Homer has it, or by the treachery of the Antenoridae, or in some other way—the rest of the multitude in the city, Trojan and allied, being caught still in their beds, was slaughtered (for by night, it seems, the dread thing fell upon them unguarded); but Aeneas and the Trojans with him, allies present to the men of Ilium from the city of Dardanus and Ophrynium and the others who, while the lower city was being taken, contrived to gain perception of the danger, fleeing together to the strong parts of Pergamum, seized the citadel, guarded by a wall of its own, in which were both the ancestral shrines of the Trojans and the great wealth of treasure, as was natural in a stronghold, 46.2. and the best of the soldiery. There, holding out, they beat back those who tried to mount the height, and, running beneath through their familiarity with the lanes, took up the multitude that was slipping through amid the capture; and what escaped came to be more than what was taken. The enemy's immediate impulse—which they had, to make away with the whole city—and the failure to take the whole town at the first assault, Aeneas, having devised this stratagem, checked. And taking a reasonable calculation about the future—that it was an impossible thing to save a city of which the greater part was already in enemy hands—he bethought himself to yield the wall, emptied, to the enemy, but to save the persons themselves and the ancestral shrines and as much treasure as he could carry. 46.3. Having so resolved, he ordered the children and women and aged persons, and all others who needed a slow flight, to go out before from the city by the roads leading to Ida, while the Achaeans, eager to take the citadel, contrived nothing for the pursuit of the multitude slipping out of the city; and of the soldiery he posted part for the guarding of those going out, so that their flight might be safe and untoilsome, as far as was possible from the circumstances—and these were ordered to seize the strongest parts of Ida—while the rest, the best, he himself kept and held upon the wall, and made the flight less laborious for those who went out before, the enemy being engaged in the assault upon the wall. 46.4. But when Neoptolemus and those about him had mounted some part of the citadel, and all the Achaeans had come to their aid, he gave up the citadel, and, opening the gates, withdrew, keeping the rest of the fugitives in order, leading upon the strongest pairs of chariots his father and the ancestral gods and his wife and children and whatever else of greatest worth, whether person or treasure. 47.1. Meanwhile the Achaeans had taken the city by storm; and, intent upon the plundering, they allowed those fleeing much immunity to escape. And those about Aeneas, finding their own people still upon the road and all becoming one body, seized the strongest parts of Ida. 47.2. To them came those then dwelling in Dardanus, when they saw much flame, beyond what was usual, carried up from Ilium, having abandoned their city by night and left it desolate—save only such as, having equipped some naval force with Elymus and Aegestus, chanced to have gone out before from the city—and the whole people from the city of Ophrynium, and from the other Trojan cities all who clung to freedom; and this force, in the shortest time, became the greatest of the Trojan remnant. 47.3. Those, then, who had been saved with Aeneas from the capture, remaining in these regions, hoped before long to come down again to their own places when the enemy had sailed away; but the Achaeans, having enslaved the city and laid waste the neighbouring places and strongholds, were preparing to subdue 47.4. those in the mountains as well. When they had sent heralds about terms, asking them not to bring them to the necessity of war, the Trojans, assembling, made terms with them on these conditions: that Aeneas and those with him, carrying off whatever goods they had saved in their flight, should depart from the Troad within certain fixed times, delivering up the strongholds to the Achaeans; and that the Achaeans should furnish them safe-conduct out of all the land and sea over which they held sway, as they departed according to the agreement. 47.5. Aeneas, accepting these terms and thinking them the best in the circumstances, sent off Ascanius, the eldest of his sons, with a portion of the allied force, of which the greater part was Phrygian, to the land called Dascylitis, where is the Ascanian lake, having been summoned by the inhabitants to the kingship of the people; and Ascanius dwelt there for no long time. And when Scamandrius and the other Hectoridae, released from Greece by Neoptolemus, came to him, he restored them to their ancestral rule and came to Troy. 47.6. Concerning Ascanius, then, so much is told. As for Aeneas, taking the rest of his children and his father and the images of the gods, when his fleet had been made ready, he sailed across the Hellespont, making his voyage to the nearest peninsula, which lies before Europe and is called Pallene. A Thracian people held it, allies called Crusaeans, the most zealous of all who had joined them in the war. 48.1. The most trustworthy of the accounts concerning the flight of Aeneas, which Hellanicus, among the ancient historians, has used in his Trojan history, is this. But accounts not agreeing with this have been given by certain others concerning the same matters, which I for my part think less credible than this one. Let each of my hearers judge as he wishes. 48.2. Sophocles the tragic poet, in his play Laocoon, has represented Aeneas, when the city was about to be taken, removing to Ida, bidden by his father Anchises in remembrance of the things Aphrodite had enjoined, and from the signs lately occurring concerning the sons of Laocoon, having conjectured the coming destruction of the city. The iambic lines in it, spoken in the person of a messenger, run thus: "And now at the gates is Aeneas, the goddess's son, bearing his father upon his shoulders—down the thunder-stricken back drips a robe of fine linen—and round about all the whole household of his servants; and there throngs with him a multitude greater than you would think, who long for this colony of the Phrygians." 48.3. But Menecrates of Xanthus declares that he betrayed the city to the Achaeans because of his enmity toward Alexander, and that for this service the Achaeans permitted him to save his house. His account, beginning from the burial of Achilles, runs in this manner: "Distress held the Achaeans, and they thought the head of the army had been struck off. Nevertheless, having held a funeral feast for him, they made war with all their might, until Ilium fell, Aeneas giving it up. For Aeneas, being unhonoured by Alexander and excluded from his privileges, overthrew Priam; and having wrought these things, he had become one of the Achaeans." 48.4. Certain others say that he happened at that time to be tarrying at the Trojan naval station, others that he had been sent into Phrygia by Priam with a force on some military need; and there are those who make his departure more legendary. Let it stand as each man persuades himself. 49.1. The events after the departure provide the many with still more perplexity. For some, leading him as far as Thrace, say that he ended his life there—among whom are Cephalon of Gergis and Hegesippus, who wrote about Pallene, ancient men and worthy of note. Others, raising him up from Thrace, conduct him as far as Arcadia, and say that he dwelt in Arcadian Orchomenus, and in a place called Nesos (Island), although it lies inland, from the marshes and the river; and that what are called Capyae are a foundation of Aeneas and the Trojans, named Capyae after the Trojan Capys. These things are stated by, among others, Areithus 49.2. who wrote the Arcadian history. There are also those who tell in legend that Aeneas came hither, but that the end of his life did not befall him in these regions, but in Italy, as many others make plain, and Agathyllus the Arcadian, the poet, in an elegy, saying thus: "He came to Arcadia, and in Nesos he set down two daughters, born of the beds of Codone and Anthemone; but he himself sped to the Hesperian land, and begot a son, Romulus." 49.3. Of the coming of Aeneas and the Trojans into Italy, all the Romans are witnesses, and the things done by them in sacrifices and festivals are tokens of it, and the oracles of the Sibyl and the Pythian responses and many other things, which one would not despise as composed for the sake of plausibility. Many tokens too, clear down to the present time, remain among the Greeks, where they put in and among whom they made their stay on account of being unable to sail; of these, many as they are, I shall make the briefest mention I can. 49.4. First, coming to Thrace at the peninsula called Pallene, they put in. It was held, as I said, by barbarians called Crusaeans, who furnished them safe landings. Remaining there the winter season, they set up a temple of Aphrodite upon one of the headlands and founded a city, Aeneia, in which they left behind those unable through weariness to sail, and all who wished to remain there, as being thenceforth in their own land. This city endured until the Macedonian power that arose under the Successors of Alexander; and in the reign of Cassander it was demolished, when the city of Thessalonica was being founded, and the people of Aeneia, with many others, removed to the newly founded city. 50.1. Setting off from Pallene, the Trojans came to Delos, of which Anius was king; and there were many tokens in Delos of the coming of Aeneas and the Trojans, so long as the island flourished and was inhabited. Then, arriving at Cythera, another island that lies before the Peloponnese, 50.2. they set up a shrine of Aphrodite. And making their voyage from Cythera, when one of Aeneas's companions, Cinaethus, died not far from the Peloponnese, they buried him upon one of the headlands, which from him is now called Cinaethium; and renewing their kinship with the Arcadians—of which I shall speak in a later book—and tarrying a little while about these regions and leaving behind some of their number, they came to Zacynthus. 50.3. The Zacynthians too received them in friendship on account of kinship; for of Dardanus the son of Zeus and Electra the daughter of Atlas, they say, two sons were born from Bateia, Zacynthus and Erichthonius, of whom the latter was the ancestor of Aeneas, while Zacynthus was the founder of the island. In remembrance, then, of this kinship, and through the kindly disposition of the inhabitants, tarrying there and at the same time held back by being unable to sail, they offered to Aphrodite, at the shrine they had built, a sacrifice which the Zacynthians perform in common to this day; and they hold a contest for youths, of running among other contests; and the victory-prize the first to reach the temple receives. It is called the race of Aeneas and Aphrodite, and 50.4. wooden images of both of these stand there. From there, making their voyage on the open sea, they put in at Leucas, the place being still held by the Acarnanians. And here again they set up that shrine of Aphrodite which is now in the islet between the Dioryctus and the city, and is called of Aphrodite Aeneias. Setting off from there and coming to Actium, they anchored at the headland of the Ambracian gulf. And from there they came to the city of Ambracia, of which Ambrax the son of Dexamenus the son of Heracles was king; and they left behind in both places memorials of their coming—at Actium a shrine of Aphrodite Aeneias and, near it, of the Great Gods, which existed even in my day; and at Ambracia a shrine of the same goddess and a hero-shrine of Aeneas near the small theatre, in which there was also a small archaic wooden image said to be of Aeneas, and which those whom they call temple-attendants among them honoured with sacrifices. 51.1. From Ambracia, Anchises, with the ships, coasting along the land, put in at the harbour of Buthrotum in Epirus; while Aeneas and the most vigorous of the army with him, completing a two days' journey, came to Dodona to consult the god, and found there the Trojans who were with Helenus. Having taken up oracles concerning the colony and presented the god with Trojan offerings—among them bronze mixing-bowls, some of which still survive, declaring by very ancient inscriptions those who dedicated them—they came to the fleet, having completed a journey of about four days. The coming of the Trojans to Buthrotum is also made plain by a certain hill, which they then used as a camp, 51.2. called Troy. From Buthrotum, coasting along the land as far as the harbour then named after Anchises, but now having a less clear name, and setting up there too a shrine of Aphrodite, they crossed the Ionian Sea, having as guides of the voyage those who had sailed with them willingly, following along—the men with Patron of Thurii. And of these the greater part, when the army had come safely to Italy, returned home again; but Patron, persuaded by Aeneas to share in the colony, and with him some of his friends, remained in the expedition; and these, some say, settled in Alontium in Sicily. In remembrance of this service the Romans in time gave to the Acarnanians Leucas and Anactorium, taken from the Corinthians; permitted them, when they wished, to restore the Oeniadae; and gave them the Echinades islands to enjoy in common with the Aetolians. 51.3. Those with Aeneas made their landing not at one place in Italy, but, with the greater part of the ships, anchored at the promontory of Iapygia, then called Salentinus, and with the rest at the place called Athenaeum, where Aeneas himself chanced to set foot in Italy (this place is a headland, and upon it a summer anchorage, which from that time is called the harbour of Aphrodite); and they coasted along as far as the strait, keeping Italy at hand, leaving behind in these places too certain traces of their coming—among others a bronze bowl in the shrine of Hera, declaring by an ancient inscription the name of Aeneas, who presented it to the goddess. 52.1. Coming off Sicily—whether resolving of purpose to put in there, or forced by foul winds, such as are wont to occur about this sea—they put in at the part of the island about the place called Drepana. There they fell in with those who had gone out before from Troy with Elymus and Aegestus, who, having found fortune and a favouring wind, and at the same time weighed down by no great baggage, had in a short time come down to Sicily and settled about a river called Crimisus in the land of the Sicani, receiving the place from them in friendship on account of the kinship of Aegestus, who had been born and reared in Sicily through 52.2. some such circumstance as this. One of his ancestors, a distinguished man of the Trojan race, became at variance with Laomedon; and the king, taking him on some charge, slew him and all his male offspring, for fear of suffering something at their hands; but the daughters, being still maidens, he thought it not seemly to kill, yet not safe to suffer to dwell among the Trojans; so he gave them to merchants, bidding them carry them off as far away as possible. 52.3. With these, as they departed, there sailed a youth of the distinguished class, overcome with love of one of them, and he married the girl when she had been brought to Sicily; and to them, while they tarried among the Sicels, was born a son named Aegestus, who, learning the manners and tongue of the inhabitants, when it befell that his parents died, while Priam reigned in Troy, contrived to have his return granted him; and having helped bear through the war against the Achaeans, when the city was being taken, he sailed back again to Sicily, making his flight with Elymus in three ships, which Achilles, when he was plundering the Trojan cities, had lost when they fell upon sunken reefs. 52.4. Falling in, then, with the men aforesaid, Aeneas treated them kindly and built them cities, Aegesta and Elyma, and left behind in the towns even a portion of his own army—as I conjecture, of his own free purpose, that there might be safe resting-places and harbours for those weighed down by weariness or otherwise oppressed by the sea; but, as some write, his fleet having been diminished by the burning which certain of the women, oppressed by the wandering, brought about, he of necessity left behind the multitude no longer able to sail with him, from the burnt ships. 53.1. Of the coming of Aeneas and the Trojans to the Sicels there are many other proofs, but the most conspicuous are the altar of Aphrodite Aeneias set up upon the summit of Elymus, and a shrine of Aeneas set up at Aegesta—the one built by Aeneas himself to his mother, the shrine made a dedication by those left behind from the expedition in memory of him who had saved them. The Trojan element with Elymus and Aegestus, then, remained in these places, and continued to be called Elymi. For Elymus held precedence in dignity, being of the royal race, 53.2. from whom the whole took its name. Those who sailed with Aeneas from Sicily through the Tyrrhenian Sea first anchored at the part of Italy by the harbour of Palinurus, which is said to have obtained this name from one of Aeneas's helmsmen who died there. Then they touched at an island, to which they gave the name Leucasia, from a woman, a cousin of Aeneas, who died about this place. 53.3. From there, putting in at a deep and fair harbour among the Opicans, when there too Misenus, one of the distinguished men, died, they named the harbour after him; and putting in by chance at the island Prochyta and the headland Caieta, they likewise gave names to the places—women having died there, wishing to make the places memorials. Of these, the one is said to have been a kinswoman of Aeneas, the other a nurse. At last they came to Laurentum in Italy, where, ceasing from their wandering, they pitched a palisade; and the place in which they encamped is from that time called Troy, and is distant from the sea about four stades. 53.4. I have written these things and made this digression for necessity's sake, since of the historians some say that Aeneas did not even come to Italy with the Trojans; others, that it was a different Aeneas, not the one born of Aphrodite and Anchises; others, Ascanius the son of Aeneas; others, certain others. And there are those who say that the Aeneas born of Aphrodite, having established the colony in Italy, was conveyed back home again and reigned over Troy, and at his death left the kingdom to Ascanius his son, and that his line long held the rule—being, as I conjecture, misled by the verses of Homer wrongly taken. 53.5. For Poseidon is represented by him in the Iliad foretelling the coming distinction of Aeneas and of those to be born of him, somewhat thus: "And now indeed shall the might of Aeneas rule over the Trojans, and his children's children, who shall be born hereafter." Supposing, then, that Homer knew the men to be holding sway in Phrygia, and that it was not possible for those dwelling in Italy to reign over the Trojans, they invented the return of Aeneas. But it was not impossible for him to rule over the Trojans he led along, though governed elsewhere; and one might find other causes of the error as well. 54.1. But if any are troubled by the fact that tombs of Aeneas are spoken of and shown in many places, since it is impossible that the same man should have been buried in several places, let them, reflecting that this perplexity is common in the case of many men—and especially of those who have had illustrious fortunes but wandering lives—learn that there was one place that received their bodies, but that memorials were built among many through the goodwill of those who had received some benefits through them, especially if some of their race survived, or there was a foundation of some city, or some lasting and kindly sojourns; such as we know are told in legend also concerning 54.2. this hero. For to Ilium having granted that it was not utterly destroyed at its capture; to what is called Bebrycia having contrived that the auxiliary force was saved; in Phrygia having left his son Ascanius as king; in Pallene having founded a city named after himself; in Arcadia having given his daughters in marriage; in Sicily having left a part of his army; and in many other places seeming to have bestowed kindly sojourns—he had their goodwill freely given, on account of which, when he had left the life among men, he was honoured with hero-shrines and the building of memorials in many places. 54.3. For come, what causes could one suppose for his memorials in Italy, if he neither ruled these regions nor made sojourns in them nor was known to them at all? But concerning these things it shall be said again hereafter, as the account on each occasion requires it to be made plain. 55.1. That the Trojan fleet sailed no farther into Europe was caused both by the oracles, which found their fulfilment in these regions, and by the divine power, in many ways indicating its own will. For when, using Laurentum as an anchorage, they had pitched their tents about the shore, first, when the men were pressed by thirst, the place having no water (I tell what I received from the inhabitants), springs of sweetest water were seen rising of themselves from the earth, from which the whole army watered itself, and the place became encompassed with water, the stream running down from the springs to the sea. 55.2. Now, however, the springs no longer well up so as even to overflow, but there is a little water gathered in a hollow place, called by the inhabitants the shrine of the sun; and two altars are shown beside it, the one turned toward the rising, the other toward the setting of the sun, Trojan foundations, at which they tell in legend that Aeneas offered the first sacrifice to the god as a thank-offering for the waters. 55.3. Then, as they were taking their meal upon the ground, parsley had been strewn beneath the food for many, and this served as a kind of table for the viands; but, as some say, it was cakes made of wheaten meal, for cleanliness in the eating. When the food set out had been consumed, one and then another ate of the parsley, or cakes, strewn beneath them; and thereupon one of them happened to say—whether one of Aeneas's sons, as the story has it, or one of his tent-fellows—"But now indeed we have eaten even the table." And when they heard this, all raised a shout, that the first part of the prophecy now had 55.4. its fulfilment for them. For there was an oracle of theirs—as some say, given at Dodona, but as others write, in the red mainland of Ida, where dwelt a Sibyl, a native nymph who uttered prophecies—who told them to sail toward the setting of the sun until they should come to the place in which they would eat their tables; and when they should perceive this happen, to make a four-footed creature their guide, and where the 55.5. animal should grow weary, there to build a city. Calling to mind, then, this oracle, some, at Aeneas's bidding, carried the images of the gods from the ship to the appointed place, others built bases and altars for them, while the women, with ritual cries and dances, escorted the sacred objects, and those about Aeneas, the sacrifice having been made ready, stood about the altar with their garlands. 56.1. While they were making their vows, the sow that was about to be consecrated, being pregnant and not far from its time, when the sacrificers began the rites, shook itself loose, escaped those holding it, and ran up the country. Aeneas, understanding that this was the four-footed creature whom the oracle declared to be their guide, followed it with a few men, keeping a little behind, fearing lest, by the tumult of the pursuers, it should be turned aside from the path appointed 56.2. by the divinity. And the sow, having gone about four-and-twenty stades from the sea, ran up a certain hill, where, worn out with weariness, it sat down. To Aeneas (for the prophecies seemed to have their fulfilment), seeing the place to be neither in fair land nor near the sea, and not even that affording good anchorage, much perplexity came on, whether he ought, in obedience to the oracle, to settle there, where they would spend forever a grievous life, enjoying nothing good, or should go farther in search of better land. 56.3. While he was pondering these things and holding the gods to blame, suddenly, it is said, a voice from the glen, the speaker being unseen, fell upon him, bidding him remain there and build a city quickly, and not, yielding to the perplexity of his present opinion—because he was not to fix his life in a land good for pasture—push away the prosperity that 56.4. was to come, and all but present. For it was fated for him, setting out from this grievous and small dwelling at first, to gain much good land in time; and to his children and descendants there should belong an empire the greatest and longest-lasting. This, then, should for the present be a resting-place for the Trojans; but after as many years as the sow should bear young, another city, prosperous and great, should be founded by those born of him. And Aeneas, hearing this and deeming the matter of the voice to be something divine, did as the god commanded. 56.5. But others say that, while the man was in distress and his body unstrung with grief, having neither gone down to the camp nor taken food, but bivouacked there as chance had it that night, there stood over him in a dream a great and marvellous vision, likened to one of the ancestral gods, suggesting the things said a little before; but in which way the truth lies would be known to the gods. The next day the sow is said to have borne thirty young, and after as many years another city was founded by the Trojans according to the oracle, of which I shall speak in its proper place. 57.1. Aeneas sacrificed the sow's offspring, together with the dam, to the ancestral gods in this place, where the shrine now is, and which the Lavinians, keeping it inaccessible to others, hold sacred. Bidding the Trojans shift their camp to the hill, he set up the images of the gods in the strongest part, and at once with all zeal set about the building of the town, going down and taking from the surrounding places whatever was useful to him for the building, and especially what was likely to prove grievous to those deprived of it—iron and timber and the implements of husbandry. 57.2. To Latinus, who was then king, warring against a neighbouring people called the Rutulians and faring ill in his battles, the events were reported in their most fearful aspect: that all his seaboard was being made desolate by a foreign army, and that, if he should not quickly check what was being done, the war against his neighbours would prove to him but gold. Hearing this, fear came upon the man, and at once abandoning the present war, he marched against the Trojans with a great army. 57.3. But seeing them armed as Greeks and holding their ground in fair order, awaiting the danger undismayed, he turned aside from the immediate hazard—the intention he had had, setting out from home, of overcoming them at the first assault—as one who could no longer do so; and encamping upon a certain hill, he thought he ought first to recover his force from the present fatigue, which had been great for them, from the long march and the strenuous pursuit. 57.4. Bivouacking there through the night, he formed the resolve to engage the enemy at the beginning of dawn. But when he had resolved this, a native divinity, standing over him in his sleep, bade him receive the Greeks as fellow-dwellers in the land; for they had come as a great benefit to Latinus and a common good to the Aborigines. And to Aeneas the ancestral gods, appearing the same night, urged him to persuade Latinus to grant them willingly the dwelling in whatever place they wished, and to use the Greek force as an ally rather than an adversary; and the dream forbade both to begin the battle. When day came, and the forces were drawn up for battle, heralds came to the leaders from both sides asking the same thing, that they should come together for a parley; and this came to pass. 58.1. First Latinus, making complaint of the sudden and undeclared war, asked Aeneas to say who he was and with what purpose he was plundering the country, having suffered no harm beforehand, and not unaware that everyone who is first wronged defends himself against the one who begins a war; whereas everything would have been granted him, if he asked anything reasonable, in friendship and from willing inhabitants—but, passing over the common justice of all men, he had thought it right, more shamefully than honourably, to take the same things by force. 58.2. When he had spoken thus, Aeneas answered: "We are by race Trojans, and we were of a city not the least illustrious among the Greeks; deprived of it by the Achaeans, subdued in a ten years' war, we wander about as exiles in need of a city and a land in which to dwell henceforth, and, in obedience to the commands of the gods, have come hither; and to us, as the oracles declare, this land alone is left as a harbour from our wandering. We provide ourselves from the country with what we need, more in misfortune than in seemliness, though we lately wished to do so as pleasantly as possible. 58.3. But we will requite these things with many good returns of service, furnishing to you both bodies and souls well trained to meet dangers, to use as you wish—keeping your land unravaged, and zealously helping you win that of your enemies. And we make this petition of you, not to take what has been done in anger, considering that we did these things not out of insolence but forced by necessity; and all that is involuntary is to be pardoned. 58.4. And it behoves you to resolve nothing hostile concerning us who hold out our hands; but if you do, we shall entreat the gods and divinities who hold this land to be merciful to us, and shall try to defend ourselves against you who begin the war, even for the things we do under compulsion. For this would not be the first nor the greatest war we have had to endure." 58.5. When Latinus heard this, he answered him: "Indeed, I have goodwill toward the whole Greek race, and I am very grieved at the necessary misfortunes of men, and I should set great store by your being saved, if it were made plain to me that you have come in need of a dwelling, and will be content with a sufficient portion of land, and will share in what is given in friendship, but not take away my dominion by force. But if this account of yours is true, I think it right to give and receive pledges of these things, which will keep our agreements free from guile." 59.1. Aeneas approving what was said, there were made between the peoples, upon oaths, compacts such as these: that the Aborigines should give the Trojans as much land as they asked, about forty stades in every direction as one went out from the hill; and that the Trojans should help the Aborigines in the war at hand, and join in campaigns wherever else they were summoned; and that both in common should do their utmost on each other's behalf, both with hand and with counsel. 59.2. Having so agreed, and confirmed their pledges by the giving of children as hostages, they marched in common against the cities of the Rutulians; and having in a short time subdued all matters there, they came to the Trojan town, still half-finished, and all using one zeal, walled it. 59.3. Aeneas gave the foundation the name Lavinium, as the Romans themselves say, from the daughter of Latinus, whose name they say was Launa; but, as some others of the Greek writers of legend have said, from the daughter of Anius the king of the Delians, who was likewise named Launa, and who, dying of disease during the first settlement of the city, and being buried in the place where she had fallen ill, became its memorial. She is said to have sailed with the Trojans, having been given by her father to Aeneas at his request, being prophetic and wise. 59.4. It is said that during the building of Lavinium signs such as these occurred to the Trojans: a fire having of itself blazed up out of the glen, a wolf was carrying dry wood in its mouth and throwing it upon the fire, while an eagle, flying near, fanned the flame with the beating of its wings; but, contriving the contrary to these, a fox, bringing its tail soaked from the river, beat at the burning fire; and now those who were kindling prevailed, now the one wishing to put it out; but at last the two prevailed, and the other went off, no longer able to do anything. 59.5. Aeneas, seeing this, said that the colony would be illustrious and marvellous and would come to the greatest renown, but, as it grew, an object of envy to its neighbours and grievous to them; yet it would nevertheless prevail over those opposing it, having received from the divine a fortune stronger than the envy of men that would oppose it. Such, then, are said to have been the conspicuous tokens that occurred of what was to befall the city; and there are memorials of them in the marketplace of the Lavinians, bronze images of the animals preserved from very ancient time. 60.1. When the city had been built for the Trojans, a strong desire came upon all to enjoy what was useful from one another; and their kings first began, mingling the dignity of the native and the foreign race by the bond of marriage, Latinus giving his daughter Launa to Aeneas as wife. 60.2. Then the others too, taking the same desire as their kings, and in a very short time bringing together their customs and laws and shrines of the gods, joining in marriage with one another and blended in the partnership of wars—all together, calling themselves by one common name, Latins, after the king of the Aborigines—so firmly remained by their agreements that no time thereafter parted them from one another. 60.3. The peoples, then, that came together and shared their lives, from whom the Roman race is sprung, before the city they now have was founded, are these: first the Aborigines, who drove the Sicels out of these regions, Greeks of old from the Peloponnese, of those who with Oenotrus removed their dwelling from what is now called Arcadia, as I am persuaded; next the Pelasgians, who migrated from the land then called Haemonia, but now Thessaly; third, those who came with Evander into Italy from the city of Pallantium; after these, of the Peloponnesians who campaigned with Heracles, the Epeans and Pheneatae, with whom some Trojan element too is mingled; and last, the Trojans who were saved with Aeneas from Ilium and Dardanus and the other Trojan cities. 61.1. That the Trojan people too was Greek in the highest degree, having once set out from the Peloponnese, has been stated long ago by certain others, and shall be told by me too in a few words. The account concerning them runs thus. Atlas became the first king in what is now called Arcadia, and dwelt about the mountain called Cauconium. He had seven daughters, now said to have been set in the heavens under the name of the Pleiades, of whom Zeus married one, Electra, and 61.2. begot of her sons, Iasus and Dardanus. Iasus, then, remained unmarried, but Dardanus took to wife Chryse the daughter of Pallas, of whom were born to him sons, Idaeus and Deimas. These for a time, having received the dominion of Atlas, reigned in Arcadia; then, a great flood having come about Arcadia, the plains were turned into marsh and for a long time could not be tilled, and the men (for they dwelt up in the mountains, providing their food scantily), perceiving that the remaining land would not be sufficient to nourish all, divided themselves in two; and of them some remained in Arcadia, setting up as king Deimas the son of Dardanus, while the rest 61.3. set out from the Peloponnese with a great expedition. Making their voyage along Europe, they came to the gulf called the Black, and chanced to anchor at a certain island of Thrace, of which I cannot say whether it was inhabited before, or desolate; to it they gave a name compounded of a man and a place, Samothrace—for the place was of Thrace, and the founder was Samon, son of Hermes and of a Cyllenian nymph named Rhene. 61.4. There, having tarried no long time, since life was not easy for them, contending with a grievous land and a savage sea, leaving a few in the island, the greater part set out again into Asia, having Dardanus as leader of the colony; for Iasus, in the island, was slain by a thunderbolt, reaching for the bed of Demeter. And making their landing at what is now called the Hellespont, they settled about the land afterward called Phrygia—Idaeus the son of Dardanus, holding a part of the host, in the mountains which from him are now called the Idaean, where, having set up a shrine of the Mother of the gods, he established the orgies and mysteries which down to the present time endure throughout all Phrygia; and Dardanus, in what is now called the Troad, built a city of the same name as himself, Teucer the king having given him the places, from whom the land was anciently called Teucris. 61.5. This Teucer, many others and Phanodemus who wrote the Attic antiquities say, removed from Attica into Asia, being ruler of the deme of Xypete, and they offer many proofs of the account. Having gained control of much good land, holding no great native population, Teucer gladly saw Dardanus and the Greek element that came with him, both for the sake of an alliance in the wars against the barbarians, and that the land might not be desolate. 62.1. The account requires that I relate also from whom Aeneas was sprung; and this too I shall make plain in brief. Dardanus, when it befell that Chryse the daughter of Pallas, of whom his former sons were born to him, died, married Bateia the daughter of Teucer; and there was born to him a son, Erichthonius, who is said to have become the most prosperous of all men, having inherited both his father's rule and that which had been under his maternal grandfather. 62.2. Of Erichthonius and Callirrhoe the daughter of Scamander was born Tros, from whom the people has its name; of Tros and Acallaris the daughter of Eumedes was Assaracus; of him and Clytodora the daughter of Laomedon, Capys; of Capys and a Naiad nymph, Hieromneme, Anchises; of Anchises and Aphrodite, Aeneas. That the Trojan race too was Greek from the first has thus been made plain by me. 63.1. Concerning the times in which Lavinium was founded, different writers say different things; to me, however, those who place it in the second year after the departure from Troy seem to speak the more probably. For Ilium was taken when the summer was now ending, seventeen days before the summer solstice, on the eighth day from the end of the month Thargelion, as the Athenians reckon the times; and there were twenty days left over to complete that year after the solstice. In the seven-and-thirty days, then, that elapsed from the capture, I think the Achaeans both ordered the affairs about the city, and received the embassies from those who had revolted, and made oaths with them; 63.2. and in the next year, the first after the capture, about the autumn equinox, the Trojans, setting out from the land, crossed the Hellespont, and putting in at Thrace, tarried there the winter season, receiving those who came in from the flight and preparing for the voyage out. Setting out from Thrace at the beginning of spring, they completed the intervening voyage as far as Sicily; and there, when they had anchored, that year ended, and they spent the second winter founding the cities with the Elymi in Sicily. 63.3. When sailing was possible, setting out from the island, they crossed the Tyrrhenian Sea and at last came to Laurentum, the shore of the Aborigines, in the middle of summer. Receiving the place, they founded Lavinium in it, completing the second year from the capture. Concerning these things, then, what opinion I hold has been made plain by me. 64.1. Aeneas, having furnished the city sufficiently with shrines and the other adornments, of which the greater part still existed in my day, in the next year, the third from the departure, reigned over the Trojans alone; and in the fourth, Latinus having died, he took over his kingdom as well, both through the bond of kinship with him—Launa having become heiress after the death of Latinus—and for the sake of the generalship in the war against the neighbours. 64.2. For the Rutulians again revolted from Latinus, taking as leader one of the deserters, a kinsman of Latinus's wife Amita, named Tyrrhenus. This man, blaming his connexion concerning the marriage of Launa, because, passing over the kinship, he had allied himself to strangers—Amita inciting him and certain others assisting—leading the force which he himself commanded, joined the Rutulians. 64.3. War having arisen from these charges, and a strong battle, both Latinus and Tyrrhenus and many of the others died; but those with Aeneas nevertheless prevailed. After this Aeneas took over the rule that had been under his father-in-law. And having reigned three years after the death of Latinus, in the fourth he died in war. 64.4. For the Rutulians from the cities all marched against him, and with them Mezentius the king of the Tyrrhenians, fearing for his own country; for, seeing the Greek power already advancing to greatness, he was vexed. A strong battle having occurred not far from Lavinium, and many having perished on both sides, the armies were parted when night came on; but the body of Aeneas, nowhere appearing, some conjectured to have passed over to the gods, others to have perished in the river beside which the battle took place. 64.5. And the Latins built him a hero-shrine, adorned with this inscription: "To the father, a god of the underworld, who governs the stream of the river Numicius." But there are those who say it was built by Aeneas to Anchises, who died the year before this war. It is a small mound, and round about it trees planted in rows, worth seeing. 65.1. About the seventh year after the capture of Ilium, when Aeneas had departed from among men, Euryleon—he who had been renamed Ascanius in the flight—took over the leadership of the Latins. The Trojans were at this time shut up within their walls, and to the enemy a force was ever coming on, while that of the Latins was unable to aid those besieged in Lavinium. 65.2. At first those about Ascanius invited the enemy to friendship and reasonable terms; but when they paid no heed to them, they were compelled to leave it to them to compose the war on whatever conditions they themselves should judge fitting. But when the king of the Tyrrhenians laid upon them, among other intolerable demands as upon men enslaved, that they should carry off to the Tyrrhenians every year as much wine as the land of the Latins should bear, deeming the thing not to be endured, they voted that the fruit of the vine should be sacred to Zeus, Ascanius declaring the proposal; and, exhorting one another to be zealous combatants and entreating the gods to assist them in the venture, they went out of the city, having watched for a moonless night. 65.3. And straightway falling upon the enemy's palisade, which lay nearest the city and was a bulwark of the rest of the force—built in a strong place and holding the best youth of the Tyrrhenians, of whom the son of Mezentius, by name Lausus, was the leader—no one foreseeing the assault, they easily took the stronghold. While this place was being taken, those encamped in the plains, seeing the untimely light and hearing the cries of the perishing, fled, abandoning the level places, to the 65.4. mountains. In this there was much confusion and tumult, as is natural when an army moves by night, expecting the enemy to fall upon them at any moment, making their march in no order nor by divisions. And the Latins, since they had taken the fort by assault and learned that the rest of the army was thrown into confusion, pressed upon them, slaying and pursuing. Of the enemy, not only did no one attempt to turn to defence, but no one could even learn in what evils they were; and through tumult and helplessness, some, being carried over cliffs, perished, others, falling into ravines without outlet, were taken, and the greater part, not recognizing one another in the dark, treated each other as enemies, and the greatest destruction among them was self-inflicted slaughter. And Mezentius, seizing a certain hill with a few men, when he learned of his son's death and how great an army of his had been destroyed and in what a place he had shut himself up, 65.5. being in want of supplies, sent heralds to Lavinium to treat of friendship; and Ascanius advising the Latins to husband their fortune, he obtained safe-conduct, departed under truce with all the force he had, and for all the time thereafter, having dissolved his enmity toward the Latins, was a steadfast friend. 66.1. Thirty years after the founding of Lavinium, Ascanius the son of Aeneas, in accordance with the oracle given to Aeneas, founded another city, and transferred to the newly founded one those from Lavinium and such of the other Latins as wished to dwell better, giving the city the name Alba. Alba, in the Greek tongue, is "White"; but for the sake of distinction it is marked off from another city of the same name by an additional epithet describing its shape, and the name is now as it were compounded from both, Alba Longa—that is, "White Long." 66.2. Now indeed it is desolate; for in the reign of Tullus Hostilius king of the Romans, having seemed to be at variance with the colony over the supremacy, it was destroyed; and the multitude dwelling in it, Rome, which had demolished the mother-city, received. But these things happened in the proper times; while it was being settled, it was built beside a mountain and a lake, occupying the space between both, and these were as it were walls of the city, making it hard to take. For the mountain is among the very strong and lofty, and the lake deep and great, and the plain receives it through sluices that are opened, the men husbanding the water as much as they wish. 66.3. Below the city lie plains marvellous to behold, and rich to bring forth wines and fruits of every kind, in no way inferior to the rest of Italy, but especially what is called the Alban wine, sweet and fine—save the so-called Falernian, the most excellent of all the rest. 67.1. In the founding of the city the greatest marvel is said to have occurred. A temple having been built for the images of the gods which Aeneas had brought from the Troad and set up in Lavinium—a temple having an inaccessible place—and the images having been conveyed from Lavinium into this inner sanctuary, on the following night, the doors being most carefully shut and neither the enclosures nor the roofs suffering anything, the images, having changed their station, were found lying upon their 67.2. ancient pedestals; and being conveyed again from Lavinium, with supplications and propitiatory sacrifices, into the same place, they likewise went back up. The men for a time were at a loss what to do in the matter, thinking it right neither to dwell apart from the ancestral gods nor to return again to the dwelling they had abandoned; but at last they found a resolution that was to suffice for both: to let the images remain in their place, but to bring back men from Alba to Lavinium to have charge of them as settlers. And those sent were six hundred, who removed with their households as keepers of the sacred things; and a leader was set over them, Aegestus. 67.3. These gods the Romans call Penates; and those who interpret the name into the Greek tongue, some declare them to be "Ancestral," others "Of Birth," some "Of Possession," others "Of the Inner Chamber," others "Of the Enclosure." Each of these seems to make the appellation according to some one of the things befalling them, and all are likely, in one way or another, to mean the same 67.4. thing. Concerning their shape and form Timaeus the historian declares thus: that the sacred objects lying in the inner shrines at Lavinium are iron and bronze heralds' wands and Trojan pottery; and that he himself learned these things from the inhabitants. But for my part, whatever it is not lawful for all to see, I think I ought neither to hear of from those who see it nor to write down; and I am indignant at others too, as many as think it right to seek out or to know more than is permitted by the law. 68.1. But what I myself know from having seen it, and which no fear forbids me to write about, is this. A temple is shown in Rome not far from the forum, along the short road leading to the Carinae, set in a dark recess, not great. The place is called in the native tongue "Of the Olive." In it lie images of the Trojan gods, which it is lawful for all to see, bearing an inscription declaring them the Penates. 68.2. They are two youths seated, holding spears, works of the ancient art. Many other images of these gods too we have beheld in ancient shrines, and in all of them appear two young men in military attire. It is permitted, then, to see these; but to hear and write about them, what Callistratus, who composed the work on Samothrace, relates, and Satyrus, who collected the ancient legends, and many others—the most ancient poet of whom we know being Arctinus. 68.3. They say, then, thus: that Chryse the daughter of Pallas, married to Dardanus, brought as her dowry the gifts of Athena, both the Palladia and the sacred objects of the Great Gods, having been taught their mysteries. And when the Arcadians, fleeing the flood, left the Peloponnese and fixed their lives in the Thracian island, Dardanus there built a shrine of these gods, keeping their proper names unspoken to others, and performed for them the mysteries which down to the present time are celebrated by the Samothracians. 68.4. And when he was leading the greater part of the people into Asia, he left the sacred objects of the gods and the mysteries to those who remained in the island; but the Palladia and the images of the gods, having had them made, he led with him. And consulting the oracle about his dwelling, he learned other things and received this oracle concerning the guarding of the sacred objects: "In the city you build set up an imperishable reverence ever to the gods, and reverence them with guardings, with sacrifices, and with dances. For so long as these august gifts of the daughter of Zeus remain in your land, given to your wife, your city shall be unsacked for all time, all your days." 69.1. Dardanus, then, left the images in the city founded by himself and called by a like name; but when Ilium was afterward settled, the sacred objects were conveyed there by his descendants. And the people of Ilium built for them a temple and an inner shrine upon the citadel, and guarded them with all the care they could, holding them to be heaven-sent and the masters of the city's safety. 69.2. And when the lower city was being taken, Aeneas, having become master of the citadel, taking up from the inner shrines the sacred objects of the Great Gods and the Palladium that still remained (for the other one, they say, Odysseus and Diomedes, coming to Ilium by night, took by theft), went off carrying them from the city and came leading them into Italy. 69.3. But Arctinus says that one Palladium was given by Zeus to Dardanus, and that this was in Ilium, hidden in an inaccessible place, while the city was being taken; and that an image of it, made so as to differ in nothing from the original, was set in the open for the deceiving of those who plotted against it, and that this the Achaeans, having plotted, took. 69.4. The sacred objects conveyed into Italy by Aeneas, then—trusting the men aforesaid, I write that they are the images of the Great Gods, whom the Samothracians, most of the Greeks, worship in mysteries, and the famed Palladium, which they say the sacred virgins guard, lying in the temple of Hestia, where also the immortal fire is preserved; concerning which it shall be told in a later book. There may be, besides these, other things unknown to us, the profane. And concerning the Trojan sacred objects let this much be said. 70.1. When Ascanius died in the thirty-eighth year of his reign, Silvius took over the leadership, brother of Ascanius, born after the death of Aeneas of Launa the daughter of Latinus, whom they say was reared in the mountains by the herdsmen. 70.2. For when Ascanius took over the kingdom, Launa, fearful that she might suffer some harm from him in the character of stepmother, being pregnant, gave herself to a certain Tyrrhenus, the overseer of the royal swine-herds, whom she knew to have been among the most familiar with Latinus. He, leading her into desolate woods, as though one of the ordinary women, guarding against being seen by those who knew her, reared her in the glen, having built a dwelling known to few; and the child being born, he took it up and reared it, naming it Silvius from the wood, as one might say in the Greek tongue "Hylaeus." 70.3. As time went on, when he perceived that much search for the woman was being made by the Latins, and that Ascanius was held in blame by the multitude as having made away with the girl, he declared the matter to the people and brought the woman with the child out of the glen. Having met, then, with such a fortune, Silvius had the aforesaid name, and all his line from him; and he took over the kingdom, when it befell that his brother died, the succession being disputed against one of the sons of Ascanius, Iulus, who, being the elder, thought it right to succeed to his father's rule. 70.4. But the people gave judgment, induced by other arguments and not least because Silvius was of a mother who was heiress of the rule. To Iulus, in place of the kingdom, a certain sacred authority and honour was added, surpassing the monarchy in freedom from danger and in ease of life, which his line enjoyed even down to my time, being called Iulii after him. And this became the greatest and at once the most illustrious of the houses of which we know, and brought forth men most excellent among leaders, to whom their virtues caused their nobility not to be disbelieved; concerning whom what is fitting shall be made plain in another book. 71.1. When Silvius had held the rule nine-and-twenty years, Aeneas his son, succeeding to the power, reigned one-and-thirty years. After him Latinus ruled fifty-one years. After him Alba nine-and-thirty years. After Alba, Capetus six-and-twenty. Then Capys eight-and-twenty. After Capys, Calpetus held the rule for thirteen years. 71.2. Next Tiberinus reigned eight years. He is said to have died in a battle that took place beside a river; and being carried away by the stream, he left the river named after himself, called before Albula. The successor of Tiberinus, Agrippa, reigned one-and-forty years. 71.3. After Agrippa, Allodius, a tyrannical thing and hateful to the gods, nineteen years; he, despising the divine powers, contrived imitations of thunderbolts and crashes resembling thunder, with which he thought fit to terrify men as a god. But when rains and thunderbolts fell upon his house, and the lake beside which he chanced to dwell took an unwonted flood, he was overwhelmed with his whole household and perished. And even now, when the lake shines clear in a certain part, whenever the water subsides and the depth grows still, ruins of colonnades and other traces of a dwelling appear. 71.4. Aventinus, succeeding to the power from him—from whom one of the seven hills built up together with Rome took its name—held the rule seven-and-thirty years. Procas after him three-and-twenty years. Then Amulius, holding the kingdom not with justice, which belonged to Numitor, who was his elder brother, ruled two-and-forty years. 71.5. And when Amulius was slain by Romulus and Remus, born of the sacred maiden, as shall presently be told, after his death Numitor, the maternal grandfather of the young men, recovered his lawful power. In the year following the beginning of Numitor's rule, the four hundred and thirty-second after the capture of Ilium, the Albans sending out a colony, Romulus and Remus holding the leadership of it, founded Rome, in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, in which Daïcles of Messene won the stade-race, Charops being archon at Athens, the first year of his ten-year term. 72.1. Since there is much dispute both about the time of the founding and about the founders of the city, I myself thought I ought not, as if these things were agreed by all, to pass over them in haste. For Cephalon of Gergis, a very ancient historian, says that the city was founded in the second generation after the Trojan War by those saved from Ilium with Aeneas, and declares its founder to be the one who led the colony, Romus, and that this man was one of the sons of Aeneas; and he says that Aeneas had four sons, Ascanius, Euryleon, Romulus, Romus. The same time and the same leader of the colony are stated by Demagoras and Agathyllus and many others. 72.2. But he who collected the priestesses at Argos and the things done in the term of each says that Aeneas, coming from the Molossians into Italy with Odysseus, became the founder of the city, and named it after one of the Trojan women, Rome. He says that she, urging the other Trojan women, in common with them burned the vessels, being weighed down by the wandering. With him agree also Damastes of Sigeum and certain others. 72.3. But Aristotle the philosopher relates that certain of the Achaeans, of those returning from Troy, sailing round Malea, then caught by a violent storm, were for a time borne by the winds and wandered over many parts of the sea, and at last came to this place of Opica, which is called Latinium, lying upon the Tyrrhenian Sea. 72.4. Glad to see the land, they hauled up their ships there and spent the winter season, preparing to sail at the beginning of spring. But their ships being burned by night, having no means to make their departure, by an unwilling necessity they fixed their lives in the place where they had put in. And this befell them through the captive women whom they chanced to be leading from Ilium. These burned the ships, fearing the departure of the Achaeans homeward, as they would come into slavery. 72.5. But Callias, who recorded the deeds of Agathocles, says that a certain Trojan woman, Rome, of those who came with the other Trojans into Italy, was married to Latinus the king of the Aborigines and bore three sons, Romus and Romulus and Telegonus . . . and that, having founded a city, they gave it its name after their mother. But Xenagoras the historian says that of Odysseus and Circe were born three sons, Romus, Anteias, Ardeias; and that, having founded three cities, they gave their own names to the foundations. 72.6. But Dionysius of Chalcis declares the founder of the city to be Romus; and this man, he says, was according to some the son of Ascanius, according to others of Emathion. And there are some who say that Rome was founded by Romus the son of Italus, his mother being Leucaria the daughter of Latinus. 73.1. Though I am able to produce many others too of the Greek historians, who declare different founders of the city, yet, that I may not seem to be long-winded, I shall come to the Roman historians. Now there is not a single ancient historian or chronicler among the Romans; but each, taking something from ancient accounts preserved in sacred tablets, has set it down. 73.2. Of these, some say that the sons of Aeneas were Romulus and Romus, the founders of Rome; others, that they were the sons of a daughter of Aeneas, no longer defining by what father; and that they were given by Aeneas to Latinus the king of the Aborigines as hostages, at the time when the pledges between the inhabitants and the newcomers were made. And Latinus, welcoming them, treated them well with other attentions, and, dying without male offspring, left them successors to a part of his rule. 73.3. Others say that, Aeneas having died, Ascanius, taking over the whole rule of the Latins, divided with his brothers Romulus and Romus both the land and the power of the Latins in three; that he himself founded Alba and certain other towns; that Romus founded Capua, from his great-grandfather Capys, and Anchisa, from his ancestor Anchises, and Aeneia, afterward called Janiculum, from his father, and Rome, from himself; and that this last, having been desolate for some time, when another colony came—which the Albans sent under the leadership of Romulus and Romus—recovered its ancient foundation; so that there were two foundings of Rome, the one occurring a little after the Trojan times, the other fifteen generations later than the former. 73.4. And if one wishes to look at things still further back, a third Rome, more ancient than these, will be found to have existed before Aeneas and the Trojans came to Italy. This no chance writer nor recent historian has recorded, but Antiochus of Syracuse, whom I mentioned before. He says that, while Morges reigned in Italy (and Italy was then the coast from Tarentum to Posidonia), there came to him a man, an exile from Rome, named Sicelus. He speaks thus: "And when Italus grew old, Morges reigned. In his time there came a man, an exile from Rome; Sicelus was his name." 73.5. According to the Syracusan historian, then, a certain ancient Rome is found, prior even to the Trojan times. But whether it was about the same places in which the now inhabited city stands, or some other place chanced to be so named, I am unable to conjecture, since he left that unclear. Concerning the ancient foundings, then, I think what has been said before sufficient. 74.1. As for the last settlement, or founding, of Rome—or whatever one ought to call it—Timaeus of Sicily, by what canon I know not, says it took place at the same time as the founding of Carthage, in the thirty-eighth year before the first Olympiad. But Lucius Cincius, a man of the senatorial order, places it about the fourth year of the twelfth Olympiad; and Quintus Fabius in the first year of the eighth Olympiad. 74.2. Porcius Cato does not define the time in the Greek manner, but, being careful as any other in the gathering of antiquarian history, declares it to be four hundred and thirty-two years later than the Trojan events. This time, measured against the chronicles of Eratosthenes, falls in the first year of the seventh Olympiad. That the canons which Eratosthenes used are sound, and how one might adjust the Roman times to the Greek, has been shown by me in another work. 74.3. For I did not think it right, like Polybius of Megalopolis, to say only so much, that I am persuaded Rome was founded in the second year of the seventh Olympiad, nor to leave the proof untested upon the single tablet kept with the high priests, but to set forth in public the reckonings to which I myself have adhered, that they may be open to scrutiny by any who wish. 74.4. The exact account, then, is made plain in that work, but the most necessary points shall be told through this treatise also. It is thus. The incursion of the Celts, in which the city of Rome was taken, is agreed by almost all to have occurred when Pyrgion was archon at Athens, in the first year of the ninety-eighth Olympiad. And the time before the capture, carried back to Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, the first to be consuls at Rome after the abolition of the kings, comprises a hundred and twenty years. 74.5. This is made plain from many other things and from the so-called censorial records, which a son receives from his father and sets great store by handing on to those who shall come after him, like ancestral sacred objects; and there are many distinguished men from the censorial houses who preserve them. Among these I find that, in the second year before the capture, a census of the Roman people took place, to which is appended, as to the others, this date: "In the consulship of Lucius Valerius Potitus and Titus Mallius Capitolinus, in the hundred and nineteenth year after the expulsion of the kings." 74.6. So that the Celtic incursion, which we find occurred in the second year after the census, came to pass when the hundred and twenty years had been completed. And if this interval of time is found to be that of thirty Olympiads, it must be admitted that the first consuls appointed took over their office when Isagoras was archon at Athens, in the first year of the sixty-eighth Olympiad. 75.1. Moreover, the time carried up from the expulsion of the kings to Romulus, the first to rule the city, makes two hundred and forty-four years. This is recognized by the successions of the kings and the years in which each held the rule. For Romulus, who founded the city, is said to have held power thirty-seven years; and after the death of Romulus the city was without a king for the space of a year. 75.2. Then Numa Pompilius, chosen by the people, reigned three-and-forty years; and Tullus Hostilius after Numa two-and-thirty; and he who reigned after him, Ancus Marcius, four-and-twenty; and after Marcius, Lucius Tarquinius, called Priscus, eight-and-thirty; and succeeding him, Servius Tullius, four-and-forty; and he who slew Servius, Lucius Tarquinius, the tyrannical and, for his contempt of justice, called Superbus, carried his rule on to a twenty-fifth year. 75.3. The two hundred and forty-four years which the kings held being filled out, and sixty-one Olympiads, it is altogether necessary that the first ruler of the city, Romulus, took over the kingdom in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, when Charops was archon at Athens, in the first year of his ten-year term. For so the reckoning of the years requires. And that each of the kings ruled so many years is made plain by me through that other work. 75.4. Such, then, are the things said by those before me concerning the time at which the now ruling city was founded, and as they seem to me. As for who its founders were, and by what fortunes they sent out the colony, and whatever else has been recorded about this founding, many things have been said by many, and most differently by some; but I too shall tell the most probable of the things remembered. It is thus. 76.1. When Amulius took over the kingdom of the Albans, having barred his elder brother Numitor from his ancestral honour by overpowering him, he both did all else with great contempt of justice, and at last plotted to make the house of Numitor bereft of offspring, through fear of paying the penalty and through love of never being deprived of the rule. 76.2. Having long planned these things, he first watched for Numitor's son Aegestus, just coming to manhood, where he hunted, and, having laid an ambush in the most secret part of the place, slew him as he went out to the hunt, and contrived that it should be said after the deed that the youth had been killed by robbers. Yet the fabricated opinion did not prevail over the truth that was hushed up, but by many, even at the risk of safety, the deed was ventured to be spoken of. 76.3. Numitor knew of the deed, but, using a calculation stronger than his suffering, feigned ignorance, having resolved to defer his anger to a less dangerous time. Amulius, supposing the matter of the youth to have escaped notice, did this second thing: Numitor's daughter Ilia—or, as some write, Rhea by name, Silvia by surname—being in the bloom of marriageable age, he appointed priestess of Hestia, so that she might not, coming too soon to a husband, bear avengers for the race. For not less than five years the sacred maidens had to remain pure of marriage, to whom was assigned the guarding of the unquenchable fire and whatever else it was customary for the commonwealth to have performed through virgins. 76.4. Amulius did this under fair names, as though investing the race with honour and adornment, neither having himself introduced this law, nor being the first to compel his brother, though of equal rank, to make use of it from among those in dignity, but it being customary among the Albans and held honourable to appoint the noblest maidens attendants of Hestia. And Numitor, perceiving that his brother did these things not from the best motive, made no open show of anger, that he might not be hated by the people, but kept this complaint too secret. 77.1. Four years later, Ilia, having come to a sacred grove of Ares for the fetching of pure water, which she was to use for the sacrifices, was violated by someone in the precinct. This man some declare to have been one of the suitors of the maiden, in love with the girl; others, Amulius himself, not so much for desire as for plotting, having fenced himself with arms so as to appear most terrifying, and rendering the familiar look of his face as obscure as he could. 77.2. But the greater part tell in legend that it was an apparition of the divinity to whom the place belonged, attaching many other divine works to the event—a sudden vanishing of the sun and a darkness that held the sky; and a look, which the apparition too had, far more marvellous than that of men in size and beauty. And they say that the one who did the violence, consoling the maiden's grief, said—whence it became plain that he was a god—that she should be in no way distressed at what had befallen; for the partnership of marriage had come to her with the divinity who haunted the place, and that she would bear from the violence two sons, far the mightiest of men in virtue and in war. And having said this, he was wrapped in a cloud and, raised from the earth, was borne up through the air. 77.3. Now in what manner one ought to hold an opinion concerning such things—whether to despise them as human fabrications referred to the gods, since the god would undertake no service unworthy of the imperishable and blessed nature, or to admit these accounts too, on the supposition that the whole substance of the universe is intermingled, and that between the divine and the mortal race there exists a certain third nature, which the tribe of divinities occupies, mingling now with men, now with gods, from which the account has it that the legendary race of heroes is sprung—it is no time at present to examine; and what has been said by the philosophers about them suffices. 77.4. The maiden, then, after the violence, feigning sickness (for this her mother counselled her, both for safety and for the duties owed to the gods), no longer approached the sacred rites, but the other virgins, to whom the same office was assigned, performed all that she had to minister. 78.1. Amulius, whether moved by consciousness of what had been done or led by suspicion of the likely, made inquiry into the cause of the long absence of the maiden from the sacred rites—sending in physicians whom he most trusted, and, when the women alleged the disease to be one not to be spoken of to men, leaving his own wife as a guard over the maiden. 78.2. And when she became an accuser of the case, having found out by womanly conjecture what was hidden from the others, he set a guard of arms over the girl, lest she should bear unobserved (for she was not far from her time); and he himself, calling his brother to the council, became an informer of the corruption that had escaped the others, and accused the parents of conniving with the girl, and bade them not 78.3. hide the doer, but bring him to light. Numitor said that he was hearing strange words and was guiltless of all that was alleged, and asked to be given time for the testing of the truth; and obtaining the postponement with difficulty, when he had learned the matter from the woman, as the girl had at first related, he set forth both the violence done by the god, and went through the words spoken by him concerning the twin sons, and asked that this be made the proof of what was said, if the offspring of the travail should be such as the god had foretold. For the girl was close upon bearing, so that it would not appear, after long, to be a fabrication. And he delivered up the women guarding the girl and 78.4. shrank from no proof. While he spoke these things, the multitude of the council was persuaded; but Amulius declared nothing sound in what was asked, and from every quarter was bent on destroying the woman. While these things were going on, those appointed to guard the travail came in, declaring that the girl had borne twin male infants; and at once Numitor was again abundant in the same argument, showing the deed to be the god's, and asking that no wrong be done to the girl, who was guiltless of what had befallen; while to Amulius the matter of the birth too seemed to be some human contrivance, another infant having been provided for the women, either secretly from the guards or with their connivance; and 78.5. much was said to this effect. And when the councillors learned the king's purpose, which was using an inexorable anger, they too thought it right, as he asked, to make use of the law, which bade her who had defiled her body be scourged with rods and die, and the offspring be cast into the stream of the river; though now the law concerning the sacred rites prescribes that such women be buried alive. 79.1. Up to this point most of the historians declare the same things, or differing a little, some toward the more legendary, others toward what is more like the truth; but concerning what follows they are at variance. 79.2. For some say that the girl was straightway put to death; others, that she continued to be kept in a secret prison, giving the people the opinion of an unseen death. And that Amulius was bent to this by his daughter, who entreated him to grant her the cousin as a favour; for they were foster-companions and of the same age, and embraced one another as sisters. Gratifying her, then—and she was his only daughter—Amulius released Ilia from death, but kept her shut up in concealment; and she was in time released, Amulius having died. 79.3. Concerning Ilia, then, the writings of the ancients thus differ, and both have reason as being true. For this cause I too have made mention of both, and which one ought to believe each of the readers will himself decide. 79.4. Concerning those born of Ilia, Quintus Fabius, called Pictor—whom Lucius Cincius and Porcius Cato and Calpurnius Piso and most of the other historians followed—has written thus: that, Amulius having commanded it, certain of the servants, taking the infants as they lay in a trough, carried them to cast into the river, which is distant from the city about a hundred and twenty stades. 79.5. But when they came near and saw the Tiber, swollen by continual storms, turned out of its proper bed into the plains, descending from the summit of the Pallantium to the nearest water (for they were no longer able to go farther), where first the flood of the river touched the foothills, they set the trough upon the water. It floated for a time; then, the stream gradually receding, the trough, overturned by striking against a stone at the edges, cast out the infants. 79.6. They, whimpering, were rolled about in the mud; and a she-wolf appeared, lately delivered, her dugs swollen with milk, who gave her teats to their mouths and licked off with her tongue the mud with which they were covered. Meanwhile the herdsmen chanced to be driving their flocks out to pasture (for the place was already passable), and one of them, seeing the wolf as she fondled the infants, was for a time speechless from amazement and disbelief at what he saw; then, going off and gathering as many as he could of those grazing near (for they did not believe him when he told it), he led them to behold the thing itself. 79.7. And when these too, coming near, saw the wolf tending them as her own young, and the infants clinging to her as to a mother, supposing they beheld some divine thing, they came nearer in a body, frightening the beast with shouting. But the she-wolf, not at all made savage by the men's approach, but, as if tamed, withdrawing gently from the infants and with great disregard of the company of shepherds, went off. 79.8. And there was not far from there a sacred place, roofed over with deep wood, and a hollow rock sending up springs; and the glen was said to be Pan's, and there was an altar of the god there. Coming to this place, the wolf hid herself. The grove no longer remains; but the cave, from which the spring issues, is shown built up against the Pallantium, along the road leading to the hippodrome; and there is a precinct of him near, where lies an image of the event, a she-wolf holding out her teats to two children, bronze works of ancient workmanship. The place was sacred, as is said, to the Arcadians who once settled it with Evander. 79.9. When the beast withdrew, the herdsmen took up the infants, eager to rear them, as the gods wished them to be saved. And there was among them one who had charge of the royal swine-herds, a reasonable man, Faustulus by name, who had been in the city on some necessary business at the time when the corruption of Ilia and the birth were being investigated, and afterward, when the infants were being carried to the river, by a divine chance had gone along the same road with those bearing them, on his way to the Pallantium; and he, least of all making it plain to the others that he knew something of the matter, having asked that the infants be granted him, took them from the company and went off with them to his wife. 79.10. Finding her delivered and grieving that her infant was born dead, he consoled her and gave her the children to substitute as her own, having related from the beginning all the fortune that had befallen them. As they grew, he gave the name Romulus to the one, Romus to the other. And these, when grown to manhood, became, in dignity of form and pride of spirit, not like swineherds and cowherds, but such as one would deem those born of a royal race and held to be of divine begetting, as is sung by the Romans even now in their ancestral hymns. 79.11. Their life was that of herdsmen, and their diet self-provided, dwelling for the most part in the mountains, having built themselves huts, self-roofed, of wood and reeds; one of which, even down to my time, was on the side of the Pallantium turning toward the hippodrome, called the hut of Romulus, which those who have charge of these things keep sacred, adding nothing to make it more august, but, if it suffers anything from storm or time, repairing the loss and likening it to its former state as far as possible. 79.12. When they were about eighteen years old, a dispute arose for them concerning the pasture against the herdsmen of Numitor, who had their cattle-stations about the Aventine mountain, lying over against the Pallantium. And each accused the other frequently of either grazing the pasture that did not belong to them, or of holding the common pasture for themselves alone, or whatever it chanced to be. From this skirmishing there came at times blows by hand, then by arms. 79.13. Numitor's men, having received many wounds from the youths and having lost some of their own, and being now forcibly excluded from the lands, prepared some treachery against them. Laying an ambush in the hidden part of the ravine, and having agreed with those lying in wait for the youths upon the moment of attack, the rest in a body fell by night upon their folds. Romulus chanced at this time to have gone, with the most distinguished of the villagers, to a place called Caenina, to perform the ancestral sacred rites on behalf of the commonwealth; 79.14. but Romus, perceiving their attack, sallied out to the rescue with his arms in haste, taking with him a few of those from the village who had contrived to gather as one. And they did not await him, but fled, drawing him on to where they meant, turning back at a fitting moment, to fall upon him; and Romus, in ignorance of the contrivance, pursuing them a long way, passed the place where the ambush lay, and thereupon the ambush rose and the fugitives turned back. Surrounding him and pelting him with many stones, they took him into their hands. For they had this charge from their masters, to bring the young men to them alive. Thus, then, was Romus overcome and led away. 80.1. But as Aelius Tubero, an able man and careful in the gathering of history, writes, Numitor's men, knowing beforehand that the youths would sacrifice the Lupercalia—the Arcadian sacrifice to Pan, as Evander established it—laid an ambush for that moment of the rite, when those of the young men dwelling about the Pallantium had, after sacrificing at the Lupercal, to run round the village naked, girded about their loins with the skins of the newly slain victims. This served as a kind of ancestral purification of the villagers, 80.2. as is still done even now. At this time, then, the cowherds, having lain in wait for the youths who were performing the rites at the narrow part of the road, when the first company, that with Romus, came opposite them—those about Romulus and the others lagging behind (for they were divided in three and ran at intervals)—not waiting for the rest, rushed upon the first, shouting in a body, and surrounding them, pelted them, some with javelins, some with stones, some with whatever each had at hand. And they, astounded by the unexpectedness of the misfortune and at a loss what to do, fighting unarmed against armed men, were with great ease overcome. 80.3. Romus, then, having thus fallen into the enemy's hands, was, as Fabius has handed down, led away bound to Alba. And Romulus, when he learned the misfortune of his brother, thought he ought at once to pursue, with the most vigorous of the herdsmen, so as to overtake Romus while still upon the road; but he was turned aside by Faustulus. For seeing his eagerness to be too frenzied, this man, who was thought to be his father, the things which in the former time he had kept secret from the youths—lest they should too soon set out to venture something before they were at the height of their prime—then, being constrained by necessity, told to Romulus when he was alone. 80.4. And when the young man had learned from the beginning all the fortune that had befallen them, pity for his mother came upon him and care for Numitor; and after much deliberation with Faustulus, it seemed best to restrain his immediate impulse, and, using a greater preparation of force, to free the whole house from the lawlessness of Amulius and to hazard the utmost danger for the greatest prizes, and to act with his maternal grandfather in whatever should seem good to him. 81.1. When this seemed best, Romulus, calling together all the villagers and bidding them hasten to Alba speedily—not all entering by the same gates nor in a body, lest some suspicion arise toward those in the city, but waiting about the marketplace, ready to do what was commanded— 81.2. went off first to the city. And those leading Romus, when they had set him before the king, accused him of all the insolences with which they had been outraged by the youths, and showed their wounded, foretelling that, if they should not obtain redress, they would abandon the cattle-herds. And Amulius, wishing to gratify the countrymen who had come in a body, and Numitor (for he chanced to be present, sharing the indignation of his retainers), and eager that there should be peace throughout the country, and at the same time taking in suspicion the boldness of the youth, as he was undismayed in his words, gave judgment against him; and he made Numitor master of the punishment, saying that to one who has done dread things the requital is owed by none other more than the one who has suffered. 81.3. While Romus was being led by Numitor's cowherds, his hands bound behind, and mocked by those leading him, Numitor, following, marvelled at the comeliness of his body, how much of the royal it had, and pondered the nobility of his spirit, which he preserved even amid the terrors, turning neither to lamentation nor to entreaties, as all do in such fortunes, but going to his death with seemly silence. 81.4. When they came to the house, bidding the others withdraw, he asked Romus, now alone, who he was and of what parents, since such a man could not have been born of common folk. And when Romus said that he knew only this much, from the inquiry of his foster-father, that he had been exposed an infant in a glen with a twin brother straightway from birth, and, taken up by the herdsmen, had been reared, Numitor, having waited a short time—whether suspecting something of the truth or led by the divinity to bring the matter to light—said to him: 81.5. "That you are in my power, Romus, to suffer whatever I shall judge, and that those who brought you here, having suffered many dread things, would set great store by your death, there is no need to say to one who knows it. But if I should release you from death and from every other evil, would you know gratitude to me, and, at my asking, render a service that shall be a common good to us both?" 81.6. When the youth answered all that the hope of being saved prompts those lying in despair of life to say and promise to those who have power over it, Numitor, bidding him be loosed and all withdraw out of the way, told him his own fortunes: how Amulius, being his brother, had deprived him of the kingdom and made him bereft of children—the one having been secretly made away with at the hunt, the other kept bound in prison—and all else with which a master, using a slave, does outrage. 82.1. Having said this, and pouring out much lamentation along with his words, he asked Romus to become the avenger of the evils of his house. And when the youth gladly received the proposal and asked to be set to the deed at once, Numitor, praising his zeal, said: "I shall husband the moment for the action; but you, meanwhile, send to your brother a message secret to all others, declaring that you are safe, and asking him to come speedily." 82.2. Thereupon one was found and sent who seemed likely to be of service; and falling in with Romulus, who was not far from the city, he made plain the message. He, overjoyed, came in haste to Numitor, and embracing both, greeted them first, then told of their exposure and rearing and all else that he had learned from Faustulus. And to those who wished it, and who needed no many proofs to believe, what was said was pleasing. When they had recognized one another, at once they laid plans together and considered what would be the 82.3. manner or fitting moment for the attack. While these were thus engaged, Faustulus was led off to Amulius. For, fearing that Romulus might not seem to Numitor to speak credibly, having become the informer of a great matter without manifest signs, he had taken up the trough, the token of the infants' exposure, and a little later followed into the city. 82.4. As he passed the gates in great agitation, taking much care to make plain to no one what he carried, one of the guards observed him (for there was fear of an enemy's incursion, and the gates were guarded by those most trusted by the king), and seizing him and demanding to learn the hidden thing, whatever it was, he uncovered the cloak by force. And when he saw the trough and perceived that the man was at a loss, he asked him to say what the agitation was, and what the purpose of not openly carrying a vessel that needed no secret bearing. 82.5. Meanwhile more of the guards ran together, and one of them recognized the trough, having himself carried the children in it to the river, and told those present. And they, seizing Faustulus, led him to the king himself and related what had happened. 82.6. Amulius, having terrified the man with the threat of tortures if he should not willingly speak the truth, first asked whether the children were alive; and when he learned this, what was the manner of their preservation; and when he had related all as it was done, the king said: "Come now, since you have spoken these things truly, tell me where they may now be found. For they are no longer rightly to live among herdsmen and an inglorious life, being kinsmen of mine, especially as they are preserved by the providence of the gods." 83.1. Faustulus, moved by suspicion at the unreasonable mildness, that the king's thoughts were not like his words, answered thus: "The children are in the mountains tending cattle, which is their life; and I was sent by them to their mother to make plain in what fortunes they are; and hearing that she is kept in your custody, I was about to ask your daughter to lead me to her. The trough I carried that I might be able to show a manifest proof along with my words. Now, then, since you have resolved to bring the young men hither, I rejoice, and do you send whom you wish with me. I shall show the children to those who come, and they shall tell them your message." 83.2. He said this, wishing to find a postponement of death for the children, and at the same time hoping himself to escape those leading him when he came into the mountains. But Amulius, secretly charging the most trusted of his armed men to seize whomever the swineherd should point out and bring them to him, sent them off in haste. Having done this, he at once formed the resolve to call his brother and hold him in unbound custody until he should set the present matters well, and he summoned him as though for some 83.3. other purpose. But the messenger sent, yielding to goodwill toward the one in danger and pity for his fortune, became an informer to Numitor of Amulius's purpose. And he, having made plain to the youths the danger that had befallen them and exhorting them to be brave men, came leading armed men to the palace—of his other retainers and companions and faithful attendants no small band. There came too those who had gathered from the fields into the city, having abandoned the marketplace, holding swords hidden beneath their cloaks, a strong body. And forcing the entrance, all with one onset, guarded as it was by no many men-at-arms, they easily slew Amulius and after this seized the citadel. These things, then, are stated by those about Fabius. 84.1. But others, thinking that nothing too legendary befits historical writing, say that the exposure of the infants, not made as the servants were ordered, is incredible, and they deride as full of dramatic absurdity the tameness of the she-wolf that held out her teats to the children. 84.2. And, exchanging these for other accounts, they say that Numitor, when he learned that Ilia was pregnant, having provided other newborn children, substituted them when she had borne her infants, and gave the strangers' children to those guarding the travail to carry off—whether having bought the trust of their service with money or having contrived the substitution through women—and Amulius, taking them, made away with them in some manner; while the offspring of Ilia, the maternal grandfather, esteeming it of the utmost moment that they be saved, gave to Faustulus. 84.3. This Faustulus they say was an Arcadian by race, of those with Evander, and dwelt about the Pallantium, having charge of Amulius's possessions; and that he gratified Numitor in the rearing of the children, being persuaded by his brother, named Faustinus, who had charge of Numitor's herds, reared about the Aventine. 84.4. And the one who nursed the children and held out her teats they say was no she-wolf, but, as is likely, a woman dwelling with Faustulus, named Laurentia, on whom—once making public the bloom of her body—those tarrying about the Pallantium had laid the surname Lupa (she-wolf). This is a Greek and ancient term applied to those who hire out their bodies for love, who are now called by the more seemly name hetaerae. And certain men, in ignorance of this, fabricated the legend of the she-wolf, since in the tongue which the Latin people speak this animal is called lupa. When the children were weaned from the milk-diet, they were given by those rearing them to the city of Gabii, lying not far from the 84.5. Pallantium, that they might learn Greek education; and there, with men who were private guest-friends of Faustulus, they were reared, being taught letters and music and the use of Greek arms until manhood. 84.6. And when they came to their reputed parents, the dispute befell them against Numitor's cowherds concerning the common pasture-lands; and from this, having given them blows, they drove off the herds to themselves; and they did this by the design of Numitor, that there might be a beginning of complaints and at the same time a pretext for the coming of the herdsman 84.7. multitude into the city. When this had happened, Numitor cried out against Amulius, that he was suffering dreadful things, being plundered by that man's cowherds, and demanded, if he were the cause of nothing, that he deliver up to him the cattle-keeper and his sons for trial; and Amulius, wishing to clear himself of the charge, bade both those asked for and all the others who had the charge of being present at what was done to come and submit to trial before Numitor. 84.8. And when many had gathered together with the accused under the pretext of the trial, the maternal grandfather, having made plain to the young men all the fortune that had befallen them and having said that now was the moment, if ever, to take vengeance, at once with the herdsman multitude made the attack. Concerning the birth and rearing of the founders of Rome, then, these things are said. 85.1. The events concerning the founding itself (for this part of my writing still remains to me) I now come to relate. When, Amulius having died, Numitor renewed his rule, after waiting a short time, in which he ordered the city from its former disorder into the ancient fashion, he straightway purposed to provide a rule of their own for the youths by settling another city. 85.2. At the same time, the citizen multitude having increased in numbers, he thought it well to expend some of it, and especially that which had once been at variance with him, that he might not hold them in suspicion. Having communicated with the youths, when it seemed good to them too, he gave them lands over which they should rule, where as children they had been reared, and from the people both the one who had been a cause of suspicion to him, who was likely to begin some revolution hereafter, and any who wished to remove of their own will. 85.3. Among these was much, as is natural in a city in commotion, of the common sort; sufficient also of the notable from the best class; and, of the Trojan element, what was reckoned the most noble, of which some families still survived in my time, about fifty houses. And the young men were supplied with money and arms and corn and slaves and beasts of burden and whatever else was useful for the equipment of a city. 85.4. When the young men had set out from Alba, mingling with their people that from the place itself, as much as was left in the Pallantium and about the Saturnia, they divided the whole multitude in two. This gave them an opinion of emulation, that the works might be accomplished more quickly through their rivalry with one another, but became the cause of the greatest evil, dissension. 85.5. For those allotted to each, each magnifying their own leader as fit to rule over all, exalted him; and they themselves, no longer holding one mind nor thinking it right to deliberate as brothers, each as one who would himself rule the other, thrusting aside equality, reached out for the greater. For a time, then, their graspings were unseen; but afterward they broke out on this pretext. 85.6. The place where they were to set up the city each chose not the same. For it was Romulus's opinion to settle the Pallantium, both for other reasons and for the fortune of the place, which had granted them to be saved and reared; but to Romus it seemed best to settle what is now called from him Remoria. The place fit to receive a city is a hill lying not far from the Tiber, distant from Rome about thirty stades. From this contention straightway an uncommunicating love of rule was hinted; for to the one who yielded the prevailing one was likely to set himself in all things alike. 86.1. Some time having elapsed in this, when the dissension in no way diminished, both resolving to leave it to their maternal grandfather, they came to Alba. And he suggested to them this: to make the gods judges, of which of them the colony ought to be said to belong and the leadership to be. Appointing them a day, he bade them sit from dawn, apart from one another, in such seats as each thought fit; and, having first sacrificed to the gods the customary rites, to watch for auspicious omens; and to whichever the birds should first appear favourable, 86.2. that one should rule the colony. The young men departed, approving this, and according to the agreement came on the appointed day of the action. Romulus's place of augury, where he thought fit to found the colony, was the Pallantium, and Romus's the hill adjoining it, called the Aventine, or, as some relate, the Remoria; and a guard was present for both, not to permit them to say anything but what should appear. 86.3. When they had taken their proper seats, after a short time Romulus, through eagerness and envy toward his brother—and perhaps the god too thus prompted him—before he had even seen any sign whatever, sending messengers to his brother, asked him to come speedily, as having first seen auspicious omens. While those sent by him, holding the deception in shame, went without haste, six vultures appeared to Romus, flying from the right. And he, seeing the birds, was overjoyed; but a little later those sent by Romulus, raising him up, led him to the Pallantium. 86.4. When they were in the same place, Romus asked Romulus what omens he had seen first; and he was at a loss what to answer. Meanwhile twelve auspicious vultures were seen flying, and, seeing them, he took heart, and showing them to Romus, said: "Why do you think it right to learn of what happened long ago? For these omens, surely, you see yourself." But he was indignant and made a great matter of it, as having been deceived by him, and said he would not yield him the colony. 87.1. From this there arose a strife greater than the former, each secretly claiming to have the more, but openly attaching the claim of not having the less, from such a justification as this. For it had been said to them by their maternal grandfather, that whoever should first have favourable birds appear to him should rule the colony; and one kind of birds having appeared to both, the one was strengthened by having seen them first, the other by having seen the more. And the rest of the multitude joined in their contention, and began a war, armed without their leaders; and there was a strong battle and much slaughter on both sides. 87.2. In this battle some say that Faustulus, who had reared the young men, wishing to dissolve the strife of the brothers, when he was able to accomplish nothing, thrust himself unarmed among the combatants, eager to meet the swiftest death—which indeed came to pass. Some say also that the stone lion which lay in the marketplace of the Romans, in the strongest place beside the rostra, was set over the body of Faustulus, who was buried there where he fell by those who found him. 87.3. Romus having died in the battle, Romulus, having won a most pitiable victory over his brother and from civil mutual slaughter, buried Romus in the Remoria, since even in life he had clung to that place for the founding, while he himself, through grief and repentance for what had been done, abandoning himself, turned to despair of life. But, Laurentia—who, taking them as newborns, had reared them and embraced them no less than a mother—entreating and consoling him, persuaded by her he rose up; and gathering the Latins, as many as had not been destroyed in the battle, being a little more than three thousand out of a very great multitude at the beginning, when he sent out the colony, 87.4. he built the Pallantium into a city. This, then, seems to me the most credible of the accounts concerning the death of Romus. But let it nonetheless be told if any other version has been handed down. Some say that he yielded the leadership to Romulus, but, vexed and holding the deception in anger, when the wall had been built, wishing to show the bulwark feeble, said: "But this at least an enemy might easily leap over, as I do"—and at once leapt over it; and that a certain Celer, one of those who had mounted the wall, who was overseer of the works, saying, "But this enemy at least one of us might easily ward off," struck him with his spade upon the head and at once killed him. Such, then, is said to have been the end of the dissension of the brothers. 88.1. When there was no longer anything in the way of the foundation, Romulus, having proclaimed a day on which, after propitiating the gods, he meant to make the beginning of the works, and having prepared whatever was to be of use for sacrifices and the reception of the people, when the appointed time came, himself having first sacrificed to the gods and bidden the others do the same as far as they were able, first took auspicious birds; and after this, having bidden bonfires be made before the tents, he led the people out to leap over the flames, for the hallowing away of pollutions. When all that was by reckoning 88.2. dear to the gods seemed to him to have been done, calling all to the appointed place, he traced a four-square figure about the hill, drawing, with a male ox yoked together with a female under the plough, a continuous furrow that was to receive the wall; from which this custom of ploughing round the bounds in the founding of cities remains among the Romans. Having done this and sacrificed each of the oxen, and begun the rites of many other victims, he set the people to the works. This day even 88.3. down to my time the city of the Romans keeps every year, accounting it inferior to no festival, and they call it the Parilia. On it the husbandmen and herdsmen sacrifice a thank-offering concerning the breeding of four-footed creatures at the beginning of spring. But whether, still earlier, passing this day in festivities, they deemed it most fitting for the founding of a city, or, since it began the foundation, they made it sacred and thought right to honour on it the gods dear to shepherds, I cannot say with certainty. 89.1. What, then, I have been able with much care to find out, having read through many writings of Greeks and Romans concerning the race of the Romans, is this. So that anyone may now confidently declare, bidding a long farewell to those who make Rome a refuge of barbarians and runaways and homeless men, that it is a Greek city—showing it to be the most communal of cities and the most humane, reflecting that the tribe of the Aborigines was Oenotrian, and this Arcadian; 89.2. and calling to mind the Pelasgians who settled with them, who, leaving Thessaly, being Argives by race, came to Italy; and again the coming of Evander and the Arcadians, who dwelt about the Pallantium, the Aborigines having furnished them the place; and besides, the Peloponnesians who came with Heracles, who settled upon the Saturnius; and last, those who set out from the Troad and were blended with the former. For of these peoples one would find none either more ancient or more Greek. 89.3. But the minglings with the barbarians, through which the city unlearned many of its ancient pursuits, came about in time. And this might seem a marvel to many who reckon the probabilities—how the whole was not made barbarous, when it received Opicans and Marsians and Samnites and Tyrrhenians and Bruttians, and many myriads of Umbrians and Ligurians and Iberians and Celts, and besides those mentioned, peoples beyond number, some come from Italy itself, others from other places, of neither like tongue nor like manner of life, whose mingled and confused ways of life, disordered by so great a discord, were likely to have made new much of the ancient 89.4. order of the city; since many others, dwelling among barbarians, in a short time unlearned all their Greek character, so as neither to speak the Greek tongue, nor use the pursuits of the Greeks, nor hold the same gods, nor have the equitable laws—by which most of all Greek nature differs from barbarian—nor anything else of their other usages. The Achaeans dwelling about the Pontus suffice to prove this account: being of the Eleans, the most Greek of stocks, they are now the most savage of all barbarians. 90.1. But the Romans speak a tongue neither utterly barbarous nor perfectly Greek, but a certain mixture of both, of which the greater part is Aeolic—having reaped this alone from their many minglings, that they do not speak correctly in all their sounds; but all else, as many tokens as there are of a Greek race, they preserve as no others of those who have founded colonies, not now for the first time beginning to live in friendship, when they have fortune flowing rich and good as a teacher of noble things, nor from the time when they first reached out for dominion overseas, having overthrown the rule of the Carthaginians and Macedonians, but from all the time since they were settled together, living a Greek life and pursuing nothing more distinguished toward virtue now than before. 90.2. Though I have countless things to say to this end, and am able to use many proofs and to bring forward the testimonies of men not worthy to be disbelieved, I defer all these to the work to be written concerning their constitution. But now I shall turn to the narrative that follows, having made the recapitulation of what has been set forth in this book the beginning of the writing that comes next.