Foreword

Herman Gorter, the writer of this pamphlet, is a well known Dutch poet and social-revolutionary. He has long been a prominent figure in Socialist circles on the Continent, and quite recently has been made Professor of Moscow University. He well deserves the distinction that the Soviet Government has bestowed upon him. When so many Socialists lost themselves in opportunism and patriotism, he was one of the few whose vision was not blurred, and whose devotion to the cause of Socialism was never in doubt. He was one of the very few whose judgment was always founded on knowledge and inspired by love. The light that he has held up so constantly and devotedly is now reflected in the spirit of the advance guard of the Dutch proletariat. And the light that Gorter has held up is the same light that was held up by the Dutch poetess, Henriette Roland-Holst, and by that brilliant writer on Socialism, Professor Pannekoek.

May these "neutrals" create among the workers of the world that atmosphere of confidence, the absence of which was one of the causes of the division of the world-proletariat into hostile camps—a division that made war possible—a war whose burden was, is, and unless they are united in revolution, will continue to be, thrown across the shoulders of the proletarians of all countries

With regard to the pamphlet itself, it is a continuation of the pamphlet "Imperialism, World War, and Social Democracy." The latter pamphlet, which has not yet appeared in English, proved the necessity of the unity of the world-proletariat in its struggle against world-Imperialism. This pamphlet shows that this struggle of the world-proletariat will be the proletarian revolution for Socialism. The first chapter, with the exception of a few sentences, was written in September, 1917. The last chapter was written in July, 1918.

The official Trade Union leaders in the Anglo-Saxon lands are becoming bolder in their Judas utterances, and more base than Judas with the gold.

They are bold because they know that the worker has not realised that he has been betrayed. And with the gold they have doubtless been helping to buy up the Joy Loans of a Capitalist State.

Their protests against Intervention in Russia have been putrid with hypocrisies.

Citizen armies—the new Capitalist Militarism—are to be formed in all countries. In the British Empire, too, and yet who among these Labour leaders has taken action?

The Capitalists are about to recruit the middle classes, yet who of these Labour men has uttered a word of warning to these classes?

No, these Labour officials would delight to see Communism in England become a cult for suburbia, whilst they erected the most contemptible bureaucracy possible to imagine.

The war has taught Socialists many lessons.

After four and a half years the patriots who were clamorous for "no compromise" triumped [sic] completely, with the result that the Ramsay Macdonalds could not tell where they were or how they stood.

So it will be with these compromisers, these confusionists. That abyss into which they tell us we are leading the world is their own inevitable death-trap. For it will be a good thing if this present civilisation crumbles away. The world-proletariat have it in them to create a better; but not to know what to do with an old and artificial civilisation, and not to have the moral and spiritual power to create a new one—is surely to be on the edge of an abyss.

In spite of these confusionists, real revolutionary Socialists have reason to be hopeful.

There is hope, because there is a body of workers in England, in Scotland, in Ireland, in America, in South Africa, in Australia—a body of workers whose thoughts are as clear as mid-day, and who will never allow their minds to be confused again. This body is growing in strength and numbers.

It has already entered the workshop as an "unofficial" movement.

These workers alone could assist Russia at the present moment. But they are a minority—a small minority.

And every move they make is followed by persecution and imprisonment. One day, however, they will be assisted by a great force—the idea that saw the light of day in Russia will be once more triumphantly on the march.

Every British workman will then have to be at his post, and he will have to know and feel his awful responsibility. Until then—it might be said, the Russian Revolution has awakened in the British workman an interest not so much in Russia as in himself as a workman. This new knowledge is being accumulated and propagated. Intelligent action will follow on amain.

C. Malcolm.