Chapter 1: The Need for a World Revolution

The world revolution approaches as a result of this first world-war.

Just as a terrific storm passing through an immense forest bends the trees on every side, so has the world-war bent the proletariat in all directions.

For years a misdirected propaganda had been carried on, aiming only at reform, and therefore not recognising the danger of Imperialism and of the approaching world-war. The world proletariat, deceived by their Governments, and betrayed by their leaders, were handed over to Imperialism and to the war.

But they will overcome all their differences and will once more in complete unity renew the struggle.

The war could only continue, and can only be carried on now, simply because the workers of the world are not United.

And the Russian Revolution, betrayed by the proletariat of Europe and America, and in the first instance by the German working class, shows clearly that every revolution of the proletariat must ultimately fail if the international proletariat do not present a united front to world Imperialism.

The revolution draws near as a result of this first world war. The proletariat of Europe and America will rise against Imperialism, and after a long and bitter fight will bring it to an end. But Imperialism cannot be overthrown unless Capitalism is also overthrown.

The coming fight, the coming revolution, is also the social revolution, the revolution for Socialism. And the revolution of the European and American proletariat will finally establish Socialism throughout the whole world.

It is therefore not only a European and American revolution, but a world revolution that approaches.

It is the duty of all true revolutionaries to investigate the conditions of this revolution for Socialism, to prepare for it in advance, and to set up an international programme of our demands.

This will be done in the following pages.

The proletariat as a whole stands opposed to Imperialism. It stands against all the Imperialisms in the world.

There are no better or worse Imperialisms. The Imperialisms of the two great groups, Germany on the one hand, England and America on the other, are equally bad, and equally hateful, to the workers of the world.

This is the first thing that ought to be shown, for only when the workers realise that there is no choice between the two, that they are seriously threatened from both sides, and that there is no means of escape from the two frightful Imperialisms; only when the proletariat realise that, will they understand that a world revolution against world Imperialism is necessary for the workers of the world.

We will show in the first place the need of a world revolution by showing the need of Imperialism to suppress and slaughter the proletariat, even after this war; and the similarity of these suppressions and murders by each and all Imperialisms.

Secondly, there is no way out of this suppression and slaughter, except by a world revolution. Thirdly, the practicability of a world-revolution and its programme. Fourthly, that the Russian Revolution is an example of the world revolution for the proletariat. In the 5th Chapter we shall review the whole.

The greatest opponents, the leaders, in the fight for world power—England and Germany—the only belligerents who had the might, which means the right, to carry on this struggle now stand face to face On One Front, from the North Sea to the Mediterranean, with all their forces. The fight for world dominion has begun.

Russia, who had a bureaucratic and militaristic, but no strong Capitalist Imperialism, and who was therefore not ripe for this war, has dropped out. Only a few of the little States on both sides remain.

The United States of America have now entered the war, and it has now become in earnest a fight for the domination of the world.

If Germany wins she will rule Europe and a great part of Asia and Africa, and she will have made the first step towards world dominion. Should England and the United States win, then they will rule the world.

The United States realised this and therefore they entered the war. Like Rome and Carthage, Germany and England (with the United States) stand opposed. Rome and Carthage fought on the Mediterranean and its coasts: now the fight extends over every sea and ocean, and the lands between. And like the struggle of old, there is no hope of reconciliation; it must be a fight to a finish, till one side or the other is victorious.

This fight is for the domination of the world, and so long as people have this object in view they will use every means and make any sacrifice, even to the extent of sacrificing half the nation's young blood, in order to obtain it.

In the pamphlet, "Imperialism, the World War, and Social Democracy," I wrote that German Imperialism is as dangerous to the international proletariat as the English. I should now say, "as the English-American."

The question arises: Is that exactly true? Or is it simply a contention? Perhaps it is prompted by the wish to class all Imperialisms alike in order to make it more easy to secure the necessary unity of all the international proletariats.

Now let us examine this for a moment. Because if the Imperialism of one power be more dangerous to the international proletariat than the Imperialism of another, then the proletariat ought to desire the defeat of the first and oppose it with all its strength. Then could the welfare of the proletariat be ensured by the victory of one. Then would the revolution perhaps be almost impossible or unnecessary.

In order to ascertain clearly whether the victory of one Imperialism would bring greater disadvantage to the working class than other, we must picture to ourselves what would be the result of a complete victory of the one, and then of the other.

If Germany is victorious that means that she can impose her own conditions. She will hold Belgium in her power; she will seize a still larger part of the coal-mining district of France; she will retain possession of Lithuania, Esthonia, Livonia, Courland, and Poland, and perhaps Finland. She will make Serbia, Albania, Montenegro and Rumania, and perhaps Greece, into dependencies of Austria. She will give Turkey territory up to the Persian Gulf. She will split Russia up into parts, making them German dependencies. She will rule the Balkans and Turkey; she will force France and Italy into an alliance with her; she will take back her Colonies, and some of the Colonies of the others.

Germany is then master from the coast of Flanders and Emden to the Persian Gulf; and through Siberia into northern and central Asia.

Germany has reached the goal for which she planned and carried on the war.

Germany, through her military, political and economic supremacy, and through the trade restrictions she can impose, thus acquires complete control over Scandinavia and Holland. Germany, then, rules Europe and a great part of Asia, up to the very gates of British India.

But although England and the United States have been defeated on the Continent of Europe, they are not destroyed. Their sea power is still unbroken.

Germany, in order to have world power, must have sea power, and in order to get that, must forthwith prepare for another war. Arbitration, disarmament, reduction of armaments, are impossible; neither Germany nor England, nor the United States, want it. That would kill world power and stop the exploitation and domination of the earth. That is not what they desire; they want to maintain Imperialism, and that can be done only by force.

Arbitration, disarmament: these watch-words are merely lies which they, supported by confederates such as, the Reformers and the pseudo-Marxists, betray the workers with and keep them quiet, and enable them to prosecute this and the following war.

What, then, are the results of a German victory?

As soon as she has recovered in a measure from the effects of this war, Germany will immediately prepare with all her power for the next. To the numerous weapons invented during this war she will add others still more terrible. By her political and military supremacy she will force the same course on all her Allies: Turkey, Austria-Hungary, Poland, the Balkans, Scandinavia, Holland, Italy, France, and Russia. The German organisation of the gigantic trusts, banks, factories, railroads, and shipping, will be imposed on Europe from Holland to Constantinople.

The Prussian-German spirit, that bastard born of despotism and slavery, presses itself through and over all Europe and rules everywhere. And the people of Europe must obey unless they wish to be politically and economically extinguished. This is the German "League of Nations," the German "world-peace" that Germany wants and which through victory she will obtain.

The working class will then be oppressed and scattered by the weight of militarism, trusts, and enterprising companies, in every country in Europe. And at last the second World war will break out, and it will be still more terrible than the first: the world war for the control of Asia and Africa. And the members of the working class will be sent out once more to destroy each other.

These are the results of a victory for German Imperialism.

Now to the British-American. If Britain and America win and are in a position to dictate terms, Germany will have Alsace-Lorraine, Prussian Poland, and all her Colonies, taken from her, and perhaps also German territory up to the Rhine. Austria will be divided into many States. Poland will receive a part of Prussia and Galicia. The Balkans will come under British direction. The territory of Turkey will be divided up.

That the United States have made a condition that Austria, the Balkans and Turkey, must withdraw themselves from German influence; and that Arabia, Mesopotamia and Syria shall be "independent," only goes to show how much the United States have made the policy of Britain their own policy. For if these conditions are fulfilled, then the British world Empire, from the Cape through Cairo to India, will be established. To be sure for this Britain has promised her help to the United States in the East Asiatic and Pacific regions. Besides, Germany would be saddled with an enormous war debt, under the name of "indemnities" and "reparations," which, in yearly payments, would continue for a great number of years. Her Fleet would be reduced to a number of small craft. Heligoland would become a British fortress. Through the loss of coal mines in Lorraine she would be considerably weakened. She would then stand absolutely powerless against England and America.

Russia will be in a like position if the Revolution is not able to withstand the pressure of the victorious Imperialism of the Entente. Weakened by internal troubles and counter-revolutions there is no saying what may happen. The United States would obtain great influence there.

France and Italy would receive a large slice of the booty. France especially would soon rapidly develop by means of her re-captured coal and iron mines. But these States are not powerful enough to "play the game" with England and America. There are only these two and Japan.

It can easily be seen what Japan is after. She makes large claims in China, Manchuria, Siberia, lower India, etc., and therefore her power must be broken. The colossal British Fleet (almost doubled during the war), with the new Fleet of the United States, dominates all.

We state here in advance that these two Allies will remain together. Their Capitalistic interests have been welded together closely during the war, and it will certainly be to their advantage to remain together.

What is, then, the fate of the world? The United States and Britain will do everything to prevent any other State becoming as powerful as themselves. For this purpose they will divide Europe into a number of small States; and in order to dominate and exploit them they will try to keep them weak. They will capture the markets of the world while Germany and Russia are still weak.

Europe, France, Italy, and the small States will simply be their servants. It will be the same in Central and South America. It will be as if two Emperors rode in one carriage followed by a crowd of vassals.

In all political differences in Europe and America they will play off one State against another; just as England in the past (we are silent here concerning her many conquests and deeds of violence) prevented Russia, Turkey, the Balkans, Asia Minor, Egypt, Persia, India, and therefore the whole of the Near and Far East, attaining independence and power, by either putting one against the other, or by directly plundering them herself; so will England and the United States deal with Germany, Austria, Poland, Russia, Turkey and the Balkans. Similarly in America with Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Argentina, etc.

The United States and England will turn Central and Eastern Europe into a perfect hell. The provinces cut off from Germany, Poland the new States formed from Austria-Hungary, the new Russian States, the Balkan peoples and the Turks, will be continually at war with one another, and during this time England and the United States will rule the world. They will endeavour to make Germany economically dependent on English-American capital. Russia will be flooded with it. They will establish everywhere branches of their trusts and banks; and where they do not succeed in doing so, will seek to destroy those in existence.

They will reduce Germany to such a condition of weakness as to compel her to act in conjunction with them in the interest of their profits. For they are masters of the sea and of the overseas markets.

Asia and Africa will be completely at their mercy, to rob and exploit as they choose; especially China, which is partly governed by themselves and partly by despots paid by them. Now, Germany in her fight against a superior Power, should at least be forced to develop and make powerful Austria, Turkey, the Balkans, Asia-Minor, and other States. England and America do not require to do so because they have a monopoly, and also because they are not threatened.

In Central Europe the principal Power has fallen—the only Power that could venture to go to war with England and America. She is politically, and in a great measure economically, broken, and the other States are too small and too weak to fight, and are helpless and torn by their own internal troubles. All are alike with the exception of England. Europe is powerless. The political wars of nations, a prime factor in the progress of Capitalism, are now eliminated. In Central and South America the same conditions prevail.

And the possibility of developing themselves or of obtaining independence in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Arabia, Egypt, Persia, India, China, etc., has disappeared for a long time to come.

A weak, broken Europe, a weak South America, Asia and Africa, a weak, broken world—that is the aim of American politics.

But the United States, England and Japan, do not trust one another, and apart from them there are France and Italy, still great powers, and Russia and Germany still gathering strength and becoming themselves again.

There are always powerful coalitions to be feared, and people begin immediately to prepare for the new world war.

And this is the "League of Nations" and the "world peace" of the United States and England, for which President Wilson, Asquith and Lloyd George made so much propaganda; and in which Germany, as soon as she became democratised will also have a place! And for this purpose they want the self-determination of the peoples of Europe (but not of those of Asia nor of Africa)—the self-determination that those peoples make who are not strong but weak; and which merely serves to prevent strong Coalitions under Germany's leadership, and enables them to rule Europe themselves.

It is true, then, that the German spirit of naked brutality will not rule. German Imperialism has become powerless.

But into its place has stepped the powerful Anglo-American monopoly, by which a great part of the world has been brought to a standstill, and nearly the whole of it into subjection.

And the spirit of this Imperialistic monopoly is the rough brutality and corruption of American Capitalism, united with the refined brigandage of the English, which makes their victims powerless.

What a combination. Refined hypocracy and false democracy!

And what will be the effect of this Imperialism on the proletariats of the world? The American-English banks, the American-English trusts, will rule the world. It will be very difficult for other countries to compete with them. They will often be forced to submit.

The struggle of the proletariats will also be made difficult, almost impossible, against this monopoly.

And this American-English Capitalism will do as the English have always done—buy one part of the proletariat and pit it against the other. That part will be a well paid, well-organised, well developed proletariat. They will use these well-fed, well-clothed, well-housed, well-educated proletarians as bloodhounds and executioners of the remainder of the proletariat and of the weak nations. On these people they can always reckon in their fight against the poorer proletariat, whom they wall always be able to stir up against the weaker nations.

A paid army such as this constitutes the greater danger to the international proletariat. It will raise an army of traitors in all countries. It will be able to do this, for it will have the monopoly since Germany's fall. And it will be able to oppress the "unskilled," the under-fed, the poorly-paid, the badly-housed, the miserably poor workers, as much as it likes; and the greatest number will belong to this category. Besides, the workers will be pressed into the army.

This, then, is the "world peace" of American-English Imperialism. And this is the world peace that a part of the bourgeoisie of the neutral countries so earnestly desired!

But under this Imperialism war will break out again. For Germany will gather strength again, Russia will again rise, and China will not suffer her self to remain in slavery. The world will not remain patient. It cannot suffer the absolute rule of American-English capital.

Capital itself is not international enough for that. Besides, the predatory countries are still too numerous and the noise of friction too audible. New coalitions will form themselves against England and America. These two Powers may disagree, and the proletariats of the world will be thrown again into the blood bath and slaughtered whole-sale.

These, then, are the results of German and of Anglo-American Imperialism.

On the one side Germany all-powerful on the Continent of Europe with German militarism everywhere, and in a short time a still more frightful world war.

On the other side England and the United States all-powerful over the whole earth, with subjection or weakness and stagnation everywhere. And after a little time another bath of blood.

If this first world war does not come to a real decision, the struggle will soon be renewed and the two "Leagues of Nations" will engage in another massacre.

On both sides subjection and slaughter of the working people of the world.

And in any case slaughter and oppression for the proletariats. That is the future.

Worker, choose! Both sides decoy you with their League of Nations. Both say: "We are not Imperialistic; it is the others who are!" But, indeed, both threaten you with subjection and destruction.

If one should ask the workers which they would prefer—the despotism, the brutality, the carnage of German Imperialism; or the brutality of the American, united with the refined exploitation of English Imperialism, through which the blood bath always comes—the workers would reply: "We don't know: the results of both are alike frightful."

So it is.

The German and the Anglo-American Imperialisms are indeed alike terrible for the proletariat.

The German, English, and American, and all other proletariats on earth are threatened in the same manner and in the same measure by German and English-American Imperialism.

But the workers can also unite. They can form a League in which one national proletariat will stand up for the other; a League like a Trade Union, or a Trust of workers, who will fight together against world Imperialism; for their interests are really the same.

Only the combined English, German and American proletariats, and therefore only the combined proletariats of the world, can destroy German and English-American Imperialism—can destroy Imperialism generally, world Imperialism.

Every national, and also the whole international, proletariat must fight energetically against both. The workers of all countries must have a united front. They will then be able to attack and destroy both at the same time.

They must establish an International to destroy both at the same time.

The two great Imperialisms are of the same stamp. And since the Imperialisms of all nations in the world are united with, or subject to, these two—Germany on one hand, England and America on the other—so it is true that for all the workers on earth, for the whole world proletariat, the Imperialism of both groups, and Imperialism in general, are alike terrible.

Therefore it is certain that the workers of the world will again be oppressed and destroyed by Imperialism. And because of more slaughter and more oppression by Imperialism (for no matter how the war ends it is certain that the proletariats of the world will be again oppressed and sacrificed), therefore a revolt of the workers of the world is necessary.

But international Imperialism cannot be overthrown unless international Capitalism is also overthrown.

The Revolution, the social world revolution, against Capitalism is therefore necessary for the world proletariat.

We shall prove this in the first place.

All those who prefer one Imperialism to another stand in a false position.

They divide the international proletariat and make its victory over Imperialism impossible. They are all, whether social-patriots, psuedo-Marxists [sic], or parties in neutral countries, playing the game of the German and English-American Imperialists, and of the international Capitalist classes, and Governments.

They stand on the side of these classes and Governments and assist Imperialism.

They divide and distinguish two groups of Imperialism—the English-American under the mask of democracy; German under the mask of absolutism—for the purpose of showing the proletariat that their own brand of Imperialism has not come to stay; or that it is only out to obtain peace, or that the enemy Imperialism is the only Imperialism, or to show that it is much worse than their own. This is done by Wilson, Bethmann-Holweg, von Kuhlman, Lloyd George, Poincare, Czernin, Asquith. This is the object of their speeches; by this deception alone are they able to declare war and continue it; by this alone can they support it; and these Socialists help them to do it.

But only by one united world proletariat can world Imperialism be defeated.

The position is really similar to the internal politics of the national ruling classes, who separate the workers by the watchwords, Liberal, Clerical, Conservative, Democrat, etc.—watchwords which, under Imperialism, are fast disappearing. They are now being divided into more gigantic masses, into world-masses—Imperialists and workers; into supporters of the Workers' International, and supporters of this or that Imperialism.

German Imperialism, as the cruellest and most brutal run by an autocracy, takes the place of the Conservatives and Reactionaries.

English-American Imperialism, as more deceitful and more hypocritical, governed by a so-called democracy, takes the place of the Liberals.

In reality they are both alike.

The Great Imperialists—the Kaisers, the Kings, the Presidents, the Governors, of the English, American and German banks; the Ministers and Politicians—know well what they are about. They know that, through these divisions, and through these divisions alone (for the proletariat is already so powerful that were it united internationally it would destroy the Imperialism of all States, would destroy Imperialism itself), by Splitting the proletariat into two groups, will they be able to accomplish their aim. That aim is a great and lasting victory for Bank Capital, and the placing of the world under its control.

The proletariat as a whole must unite against Imperialism as a whole—against all Imperialisms. This can only be done if the proletariat realises that the German and English-American international Imperialisms are the same; if it is not to be as formerly, Liberal over Clerical; if one Imperialism is not to be looked upon as a "lesser evil" than the other, and set up over the other; if it is not to be an alliance with one, then there will not be a national, but an international reformism. In national politics, to set up Liberalism over Conservatism, or Conservatism over Clericalism, is national reformism. In international politics, to set up Democratic Imperialism over Absolutist Imperialism, is "international reformism." It is a weakness of mind on the part of the proletariat to hope that one part of Capitalism, the democratic part, is in a position to make "reforms" or settle questions that only Socialism is in a position to do.

Just as those who, in the nation placed Liberal over Clerical politics, prevent the national unity of the proletariat; so those who place English-American Imperialism over German prevent the unity of the international proletariat.

National and international reformism ought both to be strongly opposed and destroyed.

The main thing for the proletariat is a realisation of the fact that both Imperialisms are alike; that their aims and their effects are alike destructive; and, realising this, to unite for the destruction of both.