Explanation of Programme.

The first item gives the proletariat the means to destroy the old Capitalist State by destroying its instruments of power—bureaucracy, police, and army.

The second gives it the power to lay the foundations of, and build up, the new society. These means and powers must be given only to the proletariat, because it is the only class that is capable of realising Socialism. But, of course, it may allow other sections of the population to share in these privileges, if it considers them true to the Revolution.

The third assures to the workers a sound basis of existence through the equitable allocation of food, housing, etc. This must also be guaranteed to the small shopkeepers, poor farmers, disabled soldiers and sailors, widows and orphans, and all who have not sufficient means of subsistence. In short, help immediately, and complete liberation in the future, should be promised to all who are oppressed.

The fourth point, together with the fifth—work for all—is the only means whereby a Socialist society can be constructed from the ruins of the old one.

Clauses 6 to 9 provide the means for carrying out the third, and so consolidating the foundations of the new order.

It will be understood, of course, that in taxing capital and income, a minimum will be fixed, below which no tax will be imposed.

The tenth point—confiscation of large businesses,—covers iron and steel works, coal mines, foreign trade, railways, shipping, etc.

It is not contrary to the fourth point; for in that it is control and regulation of all production that is insisted upon. The confiscation of small businesses cannot be carried out right away on account of their great number.

So far as agriculture is concerned, the land will be confiscated and the principle of common ownership established; but in the case of the smaller holders this can only be done by degrees. At first only the large agricultural concerns ought to be taken over and worked by the community itself, or co-operatively by the small farmers and the labourers.

The line dividing great and small concerns would be different in different countries, provinces, and businesses. There will be, in each case, different means and methods of confiscation.

The wealthy landowner and the rich farmer can be dealt with by taxation. The moderately wealthy farmer will be hit sufficiently by the confiscation of the land banks. The community, and not a landlord, will receive rent from the farmer.

There is nothing in these proposals that cannot be carried out. On the other hand, if mooted and not carried into execution, they would drive the farming class into counter-revolution. By these measures, in conjunction with the third point of the programme, the small farmers and farm labourers can be won over to the Revolution, and the middle class farmers can be induced to become, if not friends, at least not enemies.

The agricultural question is one of great difficulty. The measures indicated above, coupled with the development of productive power, provide the only possible settlement.

The twelfth point—the vesting of judicial authority in the proletariat—gives to that class alone the power in the Socialist Republic by which it can defend the new society from attack.

The last paragraph but one—the abolition of all tolls and tariffs—has for its object the removal of one of the greatest causes of enmity between peoples, and of one of the most serious obstacles to the international regulation of production and distribution.

The last demand is the crowning part of the programme. It overthrows Capitalistic militarism, and puts an end to Capitalistic wars. The second part of it—the arming of the proletariat—puts into the hands of the workers the means whereby they can defend the Revolution from enemies both within and without, and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.

It is absolutely necessary that revolutionary international Social Democrats should get their programme ready as soon as possible—in fact, at once! If the revolution does not take place in the principal countries at the same time and with the same intention; if a succession of unorganised revolts takes place—failure will be the inevitable result, and the revolution will be smothered in blood.

The example of the Russian Maximalists shows us clearly the advantages a clear-cut and well-defined programme gives when it is ready and published beforehand. It shows also what happens when the people of other nations do not revolt at the same time and with the same programme.

The programme should be a revolutionary one, but should contain only those demands which the Revolution can make possible of fulfilment. It ought to be as simple as possible, so that every worker may understand what the Revolution aims at. It should be of such a nature that all Socialists can endorse it. Therefore it should not contain any legislative details which might cause conflict between nations with different lines of development.

Lastly, it is essential that it should unite only real revolutionaries. It should, by its provisions, debar all who are not prepared to fight for the Revolution.

The programme outlined above would ensure all that.

There is still one other remark to make which is of the greatest importance to the workers. They would do well to remember that after the war the strike—even the general strike—cannot win them everything; because there will be shortage of capital, shortage of raw material and of machinery, and little demand for labour.

As soon as the workers are disarmed, the ruling classes will begin to bind and gag them. This, coupled with unemployment and hunger, and the sufferings that follow in their train, may goad the people into revolt. In such an event the ruling classes will have, under arms and ready for action, troops selected from the anti-revolutionary sections of the population, and the proletariat will be dragooned into submission.

If, on the other hand, the proletariat, before demobilisation takes place, puts forward these proposals or a similar general programme, the ruling caste, fearing the power of the workers and the other classes which would support them, will give way, and their demands will be conceded without bloodshed.

Therefore we insist on the necessity for getting the programme ready immediately. The one sketched above is offered merely as an example. It would be well if the revolutionaries of all countries would set about the work at once.

The necessity and the possibility of the Revolution in West Europe—which is a condition of the World Revolution—can be clearly seen. A proletariat strong in its organisations and great in its numbers is here. A society ripe for Socialism, which has already taken its first step into State Socialism, is here. And the way to the new society, now at last visible to the workers, lies through a revolutionary programme.

Has the proletariat the physical and moral strength to overthrow Capitalism in all countries and to conquer Imperialism?

It will have the power when it is united.

Will the workers be able to achieve unity?

In order that they may benefit by the example of the Russian proletariat in its struggle for unity and victory, we shall deal in the next chapter with the Russian Revolution.