Chapter 4: The Example of the Russian Revolution

The Russian Revolution is, for the European and American workers, who have it still before them, a splendid and clear example. This example is itself the result of the development of Imperialism, from which the West European workers can learn how they have to act, how they can attain unity and win the victory.

We will deal with the Russian Revolution in order that the proletariat may see how far it can follow the same path, and where it must take its own course.

The Russian industrial proletariat is very small in proportion to the whole population of the gigantic Empire.

The great mass of the Russian population are peasants, and among these a very great number are small farmers or farm labourers. The poor peasantry form the majority of the peasant population.

The old Czarism was supported by the great land-owners, a powerful body in Russia, and also by the capital of the big industries, which was, however, a weak prop when one considers the extent of the Empire. Czarism found it could not bear the burden of the great war; and when it became apparent that the industries and transport were not equal to the task they were called upon to perform and famine ensued, it was overthrown by the combined efforts of the upper and lower bourgeoisie, the middle class peasants, the poor peasants, and the proletariat. These classes then attempted, with Russia as a bourgeois republic, to carry on the war.

The peasants' party, the Social-Revolutionists, the reformists and the social-patriots (Mensheviks), all worked hand in hand.

The small party of real revolutionaries (the Bolsheviks) opposed them. It was led by the man who had always stood firm for revolution—the revolution for Socialism and against any momentary success; and has thereby proved himself to be the ablest politician the world-proletariat has had since Marx. This man was Lenin.

As the Russian proletariat is the advance guard of the world-proletariat, so Lenin is the champion of this advance guard.

Only later generations who will know all his wor[ds?] and deeds, and who will be free from passion and prejudice will be able to compare him with his contemporaries, and pass true judgment upon him. But I am convinced that he surpasses all other leaders of the proletariat, and that he alone deserves to be placed side by side with Marx. Marx surpasses him in theoretical knowledge and dialectical acuteness, he towers above Marx by his deeds.

His tactics, before, during, and after the Revolution are far beyond anything that the proletariat had previously accomplished in the sphere of politics.

And we are drawn towards him as we were towards Marx. And the mind and the soul of the man inspire us with affection. His simplicity, his sincerity, his courage, the truth of his very being—these are the causes of our affection. He is the leader of the Russian Revolution. May he be the leader of the World Revolution!

The Bolsheviks said that the workers of Russia should not start the bourgeois revolution with the bourgeoisie, the landed proprietors and the rich farmers, but should begin a proletarian revolution with the help of the poor peasants.

They drew up a programme for the social revolution of which the chief points were: All power to the worker, the land for the poor peasants, and peace.

The Capitalists, the landed proprietors, the rich peasants, and the reformists, carried on the war till Russia was again nearing the abyss. None of the demands of the workers and poor peasants was conceded.

Then the poor peasantry and the whole of the proletariat drifted away from the reformists and social-patriots and became united under the Bolshevik banner. The Bolsheviks were able to overthrow the Government and seize political power. And they used this power to lay the foundation for Socialism.

The same thing will have to be done by the Western European and American workers.

They must either immediately overthrow their Capitalistic Government, whether it be monarchy or democracy; they must first deal with the bourgeois Government and then with the Government made up of elements taken from bourgeoisie and social-patriotic and reformist groups.

The Russian revolutionaries—the workers and the small farmers—captured political power. And they took that over solely for their own ends.

They gave the right to vote and the right to be elected only to proletarians and poor peasants.

They divided Russia into districts, whose Workers' Councils (Soviets) elected the District Workers' Councils. These District Workers' Councils elected the Central Council [of?] the Empire, and the congress of the Councils elected the Executive Committee.

All members of the Local, District, and Central Councils, and also all officials and employees, are elected for a short period only, and are always liable to be called to account for their actions.

As in general all officials have a low salary, and as all the Councils have to meet regularly and often, there will be formed a flexible body as the first Socialist Government in the world.

The light of the new world radiates from these Councils.

The working class of the world has found in these Workers' Councils its organisation and its centralisation, its form and its expression, for the revolution and for the socialist society.

What Marx had foretold—that the working class could not simply take over the Government machinery of the Capitalistic State, but that it must find its own forms—actually [unreadable word] come to pass. The organisation and the centralisation, the form and the expression of the proletarian revolution, the foundation of the socialist society, are here.

The Russian revolutionaries in these institutions have given an example to the workers of the world.

With this example before its eyes the world-proletariat can now make the world revolution.

The world-proletariat must erect Workers' Councils—councils of the locality, of the provinces or districts, of the empires or nations, as a means to the revolution, and as, the new form of its society. These Councils alone shall have power.

Workers' Councils of the nations, of the peoples, in place of Capitalistic Governments: that is the form of the revolution and of the new society which the workers must everywhere create.

The Russian revolutionaries gave power only to the workers, and to the poor peasants who are on a par with the workers.

They gave the land to the poor peasants.

They made peace whilst Capitalists and Capitalism slaughtered humanity and destroyed the earth.

They took over all the great industries, the banks, and the means of transport.

They repudiated the National Debt.

They confiscated all property.

They introduced compulsory labour.

For the first time since modern Capitalism came into being, the worker, the producer of capital, became its owner. The working class came into possession of its products: the means of production. The whole capital came into the hands of those who produced it, and who were its sole legitimate owners. It left the hands of those who expropriated it, and went back into the hands of the real owners, the people who created it.

The Russian revolutionaries introduced a uniform standard of education with free instruction for everyone. They threw open to everyone all the higher educational institutions.

They introduced control of the factories and workshops by the workers.

They brought the industries under the control of the community of workers.

They began to exploit the great industries as communal industries.

They allowed cooperative societies of poor peasants to exploit the large estates.

They made a start with systematic barter, a systematic transport, and a systematic production.

They began to make the whole social progress of production into a great systematic entity. They did the same with distribution.

Throughout the whole of Russia, communistic industries are now springing up.

All banking institutions are in the possession of the Soviets.

A number of industrial and transport undertakings are in the possession of, and are controlled by, the Socialist community.

A number of agricultural industries are run for the Socialist community through Socialist and Communist peasants, among whom the land has been apportioned.

A beginning has been made with Socialist exchange and Socialist trade. In short, the Socialist society has been founded.

And is it possible that what the Russian workers can do and have done, can not be done by the English and German workers?

The latter will be able to do it much better.

They will be better able to take over the banks, and the means of production and distribution.

They will be better able to establish the Socialist society. And then will follow suit the proletariat of all Europe and North America—of the whole world. In their case the great industries are far more powerful and more numerous. Besides, they have the organisation which will enable them to take over the means of life.

They have the power, the experience.

They have the intellectual strength.

They have a net of unions, in all branches of industry, over the whole land.

The Workers' Unions in Russia rejoice over the beginning of Socialism, over Socialist work, which is not done for private Capitalism and masters, but for the community and for equals.

The intellectuals, who in the beginning with the possessing classes resorted to sabotage, have now in great numbers taken up Socialist work.

Socialist labour conditions are developing. Of course it is with difficulty, but they are developing.

And with and through these conditions the Socialist mind, the Socialist spirit, has come. The Communist character has appeared. Through Socialist work the Communist emotion is engendered: Communist joy, Communist desire, Communist happiness, the Communist heart.

There is no longer any doubt that in a short time the spiritual expression, the new and higher knowledge, and the new and higher art, will burst forth out of this bud, out of this first beginning of the Commune.

Contrary to expectations a Socialist society was born from the blood of the Russian workers, and it now stands before us like a beautiful flower.

Through the struggles of the Russian workers and poor peasants there appears for the proletariat, and indeed for all exploited people, the dawn of a new era.

The Bolsheviks are holding aloft a torch which illuminates the whole of nature and society. They give to the world-proletariat, in advance, in their own methods and deeds, a picture of those that must be adopted and emulated in order to attain success.

The unexpected has happened. In the infinite riches of nature and society there lay something whose existence was undreamt of. Neither England nor Germany made the beginning in Socialism. That honour belongs to Russia. Through a remarkable combination of circumstances and conditions the opportunity came to set up Communism; and there it stands to-day.

Communist society should soon spread over the whole of Russia. In the hands of the workers it should soon grow to perfection. If not, then Socialism is only possible internationally.

The Bolsheviks realise that, and have therefore done everything in their power to set in motion the proletariat of all other lands in the direction of Socialism. They know that their own revolution runs the greatest danger of being defeated; and still the revolution in Europe and North America hangs fire. The different economic and political conditions in those parts of the world delay the advent of the world revolution.

But that does not prevent the Bolsheviks from carrying on their glorious work. They realise that the triumph of the revolution in Russia would act as a guiding star to the proletariat of the world. They realise that it is necessary to set an example to the workers of other countries. They are determined to hold fast to Socialism in spite of all opposition. The workers of the world would be compelled to recognise that Socialism had come out of the great war that had apparently destroyed it.

When Germany made peace with the Bolsheviks it was a peace in appearance only. In; reality it was intended to destroy them. Just as the Bolsheviks expected, the Germans stole the Ukraine, the granary of Russia where the Soviets were in power. They took Poland, Lithuania, Livonia, Esthonia, Finland, and the Caucasus, and made preparations to annex other parts of Russia.

The Bolsheviks submitted to this in order to save the Socialist society. They withdrew into the interior of the country, and did all they could to develop and extend the new form of society. They knew that only in this way could they keep in touch with, and remain united to, the German and English-American proletariat. Their sacrifice of a part of their country so that they might continue the struggle against Imperialism and maintain their solidarity with the workers of other lands, was the first example of international unity amongst the workers.

History does not furnish a greater or more sublime act than this—great in its comprehensiveness, sublime in its meaning, for the workers and for the whole of humanity.

The arrival of Socialism has been proclaimed by a herald worthy of its name.

There is no reason why the revolution could not have succeeded, or why the Socialist society could not have been gradually built up, if there had been no intervention by other nations, although the establishment of Socialism in a country that is mainly agricultural is contrary to orthodox Socialist Science. The orthodox view is that only in a highly-developed industrial country is it possible to achieve Socialism. But the developments of nature and of society are not all comprehended by science. They are always bringing to light something new. In Russia there were exceptional classes and class conditions. There was a fairly numerous, very revolutionary proletariat, a large number of whom are, like the peasants, in great poverty. These classes were stronger than all the others. There was a degenerate class of bureaucrats and landowners, and a weak Capitalist class. Why, then, could not the first two classes together establish a Socialist society? Why could they not Socialise by degrees, banks, industry, trade, etc.? They had the power. They were armed. Under these conditions who could prevent them?

They would encounter, of course, great opposition from the possessing classes, the richer farmers, the nobles, the Capitalists, and a part of the middle class—even from some of the poor peasants themselves who still cling to individualist ideas. But these difficulties are not insurmountable.

Time and patience only are required.

The attempt will, at all events, be made.

In order to give them a fair chance of success it is necessary that no outside power should attack them, and rob them of their food, and assist and strengthen the counter-revolution.

Workers of the world! It was, is, and will be, impossible to maintain Socialism in any country if it is attacked by all other countries. It must be set up in several—in all of the advanced countries, at least—at the same time.

That is the first lesson we are taught by the Russian Revolution.

Now the great drama proceeds. Germany tears the body of Russia to pieces, and by cutting off the Ukraine causes hunger and scarcity. Prices rise. The speculation in foodstuffs assumes gigantic dimensions. Some of the farmers, dissatisfied with the prices for their produce fixed by the community, desert the workers. Hunger and want bring the work of reform to a standstill—especially the division of the land and the communisation of agriculture. Some of the farmers and the Social Revolutionaries break away from the Bolsheviks and try to persuade Russia to re-enter the war against Germany that has caused so much misery, and by that means overthrow the Revolution. At the same time England, France, Japan, and the United States force their way into Russia and endeavour to seize large slices of territory in Siberia and on the Murman coast. They supply the counter-revolutionaries with arms and money, and assist them in any other way they can. On all sides enemies of the Revolution raise their heads, but they have no chance of winning except by foreign assistance.

Attacked on all sides by the minions of Capitalism, the kernel of the Socialist Brotherhood struggles for existence—endeavouring to develop, or at least to live, and awaits the European Revolution. But, as already stated, the American, the world revolution, is not coming to its assistance; and meanwhile the Russian Revolution itself stands in the greatest danger. The world revolution will come, but later, owing to different historical, economic and political conditions that exist in other parts of the world.

We shall now indicate what these conditions are, so that the proletariat may see why the world revolution can come only after the Russian Revolution.

The first great difference between the Russian and West European Revolutions is this. The Russian revolutionaries could only carry through the Revolution with the help of the peasants. The peasants themselves were revolutionary. Without their help the workers could have done but little, even with the most reckless courage. In Russia there were a great number of large estates. These belonged to the Royal Family, the State, the nobles, and the Church. These estates could be divided. The peasant wanted the land. The revolutionary workers wanted them to have it. The peasants therefore joined forces with the workers.

Herein lies the great difference between Russia and Western Europe. In the West, even in, England and Germany, there are not many propertiless farmers or peasants; and except in a few countries and districts there are not many large estates. On the contrary, in many European countries—Germany, France, Scandinavia, Holland, Belgium—middle-sized and small estates are the general rule. The workers in Western Europe must make the Revolution without the peasants, or in comparison with Russia, with only a small number. There the proletariat had strong support; here they stand alone. That is the first reason why the Revolution here will come later.

The second reason is: The Government and the bureaucracy were weak; in Europe, and especially in England and Germany, they are very strong. In Russia the organisation of Capitalism was very detective; here (especially again in England and Germany) Capitalism is splendidly organised. In Russia the opponents of the revolutionaries were weak; those of the West European revolutionaries are strong. The Russian proletariat stood with a strong auxiliary behind them and a weak Capitalism in front. In the West the proletariat stand alone in opposition to a powerful Capitalism.

The workers in Western Europe are, in comparison with the rest of the population, more numerous than in Russia, but not so numerous as workers and peasants combined.

In the West the workers have a firm foundation on which to build Socialism. Firstly, the banking system, the principal branches of industry, transport and trade, were, even before the war, ripe for socialisation. Secondly, Imperialism has during the war centralised production and distribution. This organisation is technically powerful and can be taken over by the proletariat as a basis on which to rear the Socialist society. In Russia these organisations either do not exist or are very imperfect.

In Russia society was technically unripe for Socialism before the war, and its organisation has been greatly weakened during the period of the war. In Western Europe society was ripe for the change before the war; and during the war its organisation and centralisation have been greatly strengthened.

In Russia a small proletariat, helped by a great revolutionary peasantry, stand before the task of building up a new society with limited economic means at their disposal. The proletariat of Western Europe stand before their task alone, but they are powerful and well organised, and possess great economic resources.

The Russian proletariat, small in numbers but assisted by the peasantry, struggle with slender means against weak opponents. The workers of Western Europe great in numbers, but quite alone, fight with great resources against powerful opponents. The organisation of the Western workers has been thrown into confusion during the war through the separation of its members. The organisation of capital, and especially of the Governments, has been greatly strengthened in the same period. Through these causes the Revolution will come later, and will be more difficult in Western Europe than in Russia. It will be entirely different from the Russian Revolution.

The peasants of the West are not revolutionary as those of Russia are. This is true of the great majority of the small farmers and of the shopkeepers as well.

Although the proletarians stand alone now, if they adopt the right tactics they will not stand alone when the crisis comes. Because the material foundations of Socialism are here they can reckon on the help of others in the Revolution. With the right tactics and the right programme they will attract millions of adherents. A real proletarian programme aiming at the establishment of complete Socialism will make adherents and allies of all the lower working classes, the small business people, the lesser Government officials and employees, and the small farmers.

Although these classes are not revolutionary of themselves they will certainly ally themselves with the proletariat, for they have been hard hit by the war and oppressed by Imperialism. The small Capitalists have long been hesitating between the Capitalist and Socialist parties. Up to the present the greater number of them have adhered to the Capitalist parties. But as a result of the war they can be won over to Socialism if the right policy is pursued. The proletariat will then have a majority.

The war has pressed so heavily upon these classes that if they can only be made to realise that their only choice is between Imperialism and Socialism, they will choose the latter. When the alternative is presented to them of being despoiled by Capitalist Imperialism through high prices, taxes and war, or being saved by Socialism, they will plump for Socialism.

Let the proletariat say to all the working classes: Imperialism and war destroy you. We assure you an existence whether you have work to do or not. You shall not lack the necessaries of life.

Let them say to the small Capitalists and Government minor officials and employees: Imperialism breaks you by its wars, its taxes, low wages, hunger and poverty. Socialism, which will take all wealth and all big businesses and put them in the hands of the community; which will centralise production and distribution over the whole world—offers to you low taxes, and later no taxes at all. It assures you regular work and an honourable position. It gives you, in common with all other citizens, peace, happiness, and comfort.

To the small shopkeepers let them say: Remain in your places. You shall have wares to sell. We have all the large businesses in our hands. We will supply you with wares and raw material. By degrees your businesses will become part of our system, and you will ultimately, like all other citizens, be employed in the production or distribution of goods for the community.

To the small farmers and to a part of the well-to-do farmers let the proletariat say: Imperialism and Capitalism break you through war, taxes, and high rents. They take away your sons. They deprive you of your cattle. They will continue to do after the war. The Socialist society, on the other hand, will allow you to carry on your work in peace. It will relieve you, wholly or partly, from taxes. It will free you from your landlords, and in many other ways reduce your burdens. As for the large estates, it will apportion them amongst you to be worked on a Communistic basis for the benefit of the whole community. As so on as the development of productive forces makes it feasible, it will convert all your businesses into a co-operative Communist concern, in which all workers will be equally great and powerful in, a free society of workers.

And finally, to all these classes let the proletariat: say: We can do all this if you help us. In that event we shall have in our hands control of all the great industries of wealth production and distribution. We shall have all the capital and all the riches of society at our command.

There can be no doubt that those classes who are so much oppressed by Imperialism will accept this offer. The increasing pressure to which they are being subjected will make them range themselves on the side of the proletariat. In England, if it is set about in the right way, it can quite easily be done.

Here is seen again the great difference between Russia and Western Europe. In the former the proletariat could not make such an offer, because Russia was weak in productive forces and poor in capital. In the latter there are enormous masses of capital and gigantic productive power, and a complete organisation of both. With such conditions it is easy to supplant Imperialistic Capitalism with its inevitable results, death and destruction, by Socialism, and in consequence, comfort, equality, and peace. The intelligent members of the "lower" classes, who have no direct interest in Capitalism, will be won over to the side of the revolutionaries.

We may well take a lesson in this matter from the Bolsheviks. How did they obtain the help of the peasants? They put forward a programme which demanded "All power to the workers," "the land for the peasants," and "Peace."

No other party had a like programme. The Social-Revolutionaries (in their first phase) and the Mensheviks (the reformers) betrayed the people and the peasants by alliances with the landowners and Capitalists.

If the Western proletariat make any compromise with the Capitalists, or ally themselves with them in any way, they will receive no support from the shopkeepers, Government officials or employees. These people are too intelligent not to see that in that case the proletariat would be powerless to free them from Imperialism.

There is no middle course. The toilers must do as they did in Russia—demand all power to the workers, confiscate all wealth and industries, concentrate production and distribution in their own hands. They must, in short, establish Socialism.

The Russian Revolution teaches us another lesson. The Bolsheviks won not only by the help of the poor peasants, but also, in the first instance by the absolute unity of all the working class. If they had not had that unity they could not have induced the other classes to join them.

The working classes in Western Europe are threatened with a great danger—a danger which has grown greater during the last twenty-five years. It comes from the reformists and social-patriots. Just as they held the proletariat back from revolution, and effected an alliance with the bourgeoisie and brought them into the war, so they will endeavour with the help of the bourgeoisie to bring the proletariat of the world into State Socialism.

The Capitalists, in order to escape the danger of bankruptcy through disorganisation of production and National Debts, will be forced after the war to nationalise many undertakings, or to put them under State control. They will then take away the right to strike, reduce wages, increase he [sic] working hours, and speed up work to the highest possible pitch. In short, the workers will be State slaves.

The programme of the German, English, Italian, and French reformists, shows quite clearly that they will assist the Capitalists to do this. Their assistance will be given on condition that one part of the workers—the members of the great Trade Unions—get advantages over, and preferences greater than, the others—such as higher wages, better conditions of labour, etc.

The Capitalists would willingly buy at this price the social-patriots and a part of the proletariat.

In England the danger is threatened by the Labour Party and the Trade Unions; in Germany by the Majority and the Independents, the Trade Unions and the Social-Democrats; in France by the Majority and Centre Parties and the workers' syndicates; and in America by the Trade Unions. Everywhere the danger appears.

If this plot succeeds, the division of the workers will be effected. Some will go over to Imperialism; others will declare for the Revolution. Then will the Revolution be lost, for the working class will be powerless. It will be impotent in itself, and will receive no support from other sections of the population—shopkeepers, small farmers, etc. It will be at the mercy of Imperialism.

Only when the proletariat is absolutely united, and no section of it agrees to State Socialism, will it have the power to win.

We repeat again, the perfect unity of the proletariat is the second lesson of the Russian Revolution.

There is still another lesson the Russian example affords to the Western proletariat. The Russian workers are partly defeated already because the German, English, and American proletariat did not make a revolution at the same time.

The Russian revolutionaries are in constant danger of defeat. If they are finally crushed we know the reason why.

Attacked by all the powers of Capitalism, by all the forces of the world, the Russian proletariat will hold fast to the Revolution to the last, and dying will give another and greater example to the proletariat of the world.

Holding fast to the World Revolution, suffering for it, dying for it: this is internationalism, indeed. This solidarity of the workers of Russia with the workers of the world: this is the last and greatest lesson the Russian Revolution teaches to the world proletariat.

In the middle of the Capitalist orgy of blood appeared the unity of the proletariat. In the midst of the world war appeared the kernel of a new humanity.

The Russian Revolution, through its decision, its foresight and its courage, through its form of organisation (the Soviets) and through its deeds (through its deeds more than anything else), its overthrow of Czardom and Capitalism; the confiscation of capital, the initiation of the organisation of Socialism, its union of the poor peasants with the other workers, its fidelity to international unity—is a splendid example to Western Europe, to America, and the whole world.

There can be no doubt that the workers of the world, with this brilliant example before them, will begin at once to unite.

The struggle to establish Socialism all over the world will then begin in earnest.