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    An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy

    Chap. III: How to remove the Inconveniences which occur in paying Balances with the Metals or Coin of a Nation

    James Steuart

    17 min

    The inconveniences which occur when balances are to be paid in bullion or coin are these:

    First, the want of secure and ready transportation, from the obstructions government throws in the way to prevent it.

    Secondly, The difficulty of procuring the metals abroad when they are not to be found at home.

    When we speak here of balances to be paid from one country to another, we understand that the general amount of the whole payments to be made to the world, exceeds the sum of all that is reciprocally due from it. So far as a balance due to one country is compensated with a balance due by another, they may be mutually discharged by bills of exchange, according to the principles already laid down. All compensations being made by bills drawn for reciprocal debts, we must here suppose a balance due by the country whose interest we are considering. This, like debts between private people, must either be paid in intrinsic value, or by security for it; that is, by contracting a permanent debt bearing interest. The first is the question here before us; the second will be examined in the succeeding chapter.

    The first difficulty mentioned, to wit, the want of secure and ready transportation of the metals, proceeds in a great measure from the obstruction government throws in the way, to prevent the exportation of them. To remove which difficulty, it is proper to shew how far it is the interest of government to obstruct, how far to accelerate the transportation of the metals.

    We have said that it is the advantage of every state, in point of trade, to have balances paid with the least expence. If then we suppose that it is either necessary or expedient that this balance should be paid in the metals, government, in this case, should facilitate by every method the sending them off in the cheapest and securest way.

    But since governments do not generally follow this rule, we must examine the reasons which engage them to prefer a contrary conduct.

    The principal, the most general, and most rational objection against the exportation of the metals, is, that when it is permitted without restriction, it engages the people, when they go to foreign markets for articles of importation, to run to the coin, instead of carrying thither the product and manufactures of the country. From which a consequence is drawn, that as long as coin and bullion are fairly allowed to be exported, the rich inhabitants will employ them for the purchase of foreign commodities, to the hurt of domestic industry.

    This is an objection of great weight, relatively to the situation of many nations. The Spaniards and Portuguese feel it severely. Many individuals there are very rich; the numerous classes of the people are either lazy or not properly bred to industry. In this situation the alternative to government is very disagreeable. Either the rich must be deprived of many enjoyments with which their industrious neighbours alone can supply them, until, by very slow degrees, the lowest classes of their countrymen can be engaged to change their way of living, and be inspired with a spirit of industry; or they must be allowed to gratify the desires which riches create, at the expence of the nation's treasure, and the improvement of their country.

    From this alternative we discover the principle which must direct the conduct of a statesman under such circumstances, viz.

    To forbid the importation of every foreign manufacture whatsoever; to submit to the hardships necessarily implied in the circumstances of the nation; and to pay freely what balance may be owing upon natural produce imported for the uses of subsistence or manufacture.

    This is a plan more rational and more easily executed, than a general prohibition to export the metals; because by good regulations, you may prevent the importation of manufactures; but it is hardly possible to prevent the exportation of the metals necessary to pay for what you have bought from strangers, by the permission of government: and on the other hand, suppose you do effectually prevent the exportation of the metals, the consequence will be, to put an end to all foreign trade even in natural produce, which on many occasions may be necessary for the subsistence of the people. What nation will trade with another who can pay only by barter? All credit will likewise be cut off; for who will exchange by bills, with a place which cannot pay, either in their own currency, or with the metals, the debts which they reciprocally owe?

    The maxim therefore, here, is to prevent as much as possible the contracting of debts with strangers; but when they must be contracted, to facilitate the payment of them.

    This reasoning is calculated to direct a statesman who finds himself at the head of a rich luxurious nobility, and an idle or ill-instructed common people, surrounded by industrious neighbours, whose assistance may be necessary upon many occasions, to provide subsistence, or the materials of manufacture, for his people; and this while he is forming a scheme for introducing industry at home, as a basis for establishing afterwards a proper foreign commerce.

    But in this subject combinations are finite, and the smallest change of circumstances throws the decision of a question on a different principle.

    I will not therefore say, that in every case which can be supposed, certain restrictions upon the exportation of bullion or coin are contrary to good policy. This proposition I confine to the flourishing trading nations of our own time.

    To set this matter in a fair light, and as an exercise upon principles, I shall borrow two examples, one from history, and another from a recent experiment made in France, in which a clog upon the exportation of the metals and coin was very politically laid on.

    We learn from the history of Henry VII of England, a sagacious Prince, that he established very severe laws against the exportation of bullion; and obliged the merchants who imported foreign commodities into his dominions, to invest their returns in the natural produce of England, which at that time consisted principally in wool and in grain.

    The circumstances of the times in which that Prince lived, must therefore be examined, before we can justly find fault with this step of his political oeconomy.

    In Henry the VIIth's time, the foreign trade of England was entirely in the hands of foreigners, and every elegant manufacture almost came from abroad.

    Under such circumstances, is it not plain, that the prohibition to export bullion and coin, was a compulsion only concomitant with other regulations, to oblige the foreign merchants, residing in his kingdom, to buy up the superfluity of the English natural produce of wool and grain? Had not the King taken these measures, the whole money of the nation would have been exported; the superfluous natural produce of England would have lain upon hand; the redundancy of which would have brought the price of them below the value of the subsistence of those who produced them; agriculture would have been abandoned; and the nation would have been undone.

    I allow that nothing is so absurd as to permit the consumption of foreign productions, and to forbid the exportation of the price of them. I also allow that every restraint laid upon exporting silver and gold, affects the consumer of foreign goods, and obliges him to pay the dearer for them; but this additional expence to the consumer, does not augment the mass of foreign debts. The debt due abroad will constantly be paid with the same quantity of coin, whether the exportation of it be allowed or not; because the loss of those who pay the balance arises from the risk of confiscation of the money they want to export against law; or from the high exchange they are obliged to pay to those who take this risk upon themselves. In both cases, the additional expence they are put to remains in the country, and is repaid them by the consumers; consequently, can never occasion one farthing more to be exported. Prohibitions, therefore, upon the exportation of specie, are not in every case so absurd as they appear at first sight. It is very certain that nobody ever gives money for nothing; consequently, a state may rest assured that the proprietors of the specie, their subjects, will take sufficient care not to make a present of it to foreigners. The intention, therefore, of such prohibitions is not so much to prevent the payment of what people owe, as to prevent that payment from being made in coin or bullion; and also to discourage the buying of such foreign commodities as must be paid in specie, preferably to others which may be paid for with the returns of home produce.

    When a statesman, therefore, finds the balance of trade, upon the main, favourable to the country he governs, he need give himself no trouble about the exportation of the specie, from this single principle, to wit, that he is sure that what is exported is not given for nothing; and that the favourable balance cannot fail to bring it back again, together with an additional supply But when the balance turns against him in the regular course of business, not from a temporary cause, then he may lay restraints upon the exportation of specie, as a concomitant restriction, together with others, in order to diminish the general mass of importations, and thereby to set the balance even.

    In a trading nation, I allow that no restriction of this kind ought to be made general; because it then affects the useful as well as the hurtful branches of importation: but in Henry's days, the sale of corn and wool was sufficient to procure for England all it wanted from abroad; and the interests of trade were not sufficiently understood, to enable the state to act by any other than the most general rules. Forbidding the exportation of coin was found to promote the exportation of English productions, and this was a sufficient reason for making the prohibition peremptory. In this view of the matter, did not Henry judge well, when he obliged the merchants who imported foreign goods, to invest the price they received for them in English commodities? Once more I must say it, he was not so much afraid of the consequences of the money going out, as of the corn and wool remaining at home: had he been sure of the exportation of these articles to as good purpose another way, the prohibition would have been absurd; but I am persuaded this was not the case.

    The example taken from France is this.

    After the fatal bankruptcy in 1720, by the blowing up of the Missisippi, the trade of France languished from the effects of the instability of their coin, until the year 1726, when it was set upon that footing on which it has remained ever since.

    Upon that last general coinage, the same principles of enriching the King by the operation directed the conduct of the minister.

    The old specie was cried down, and proscribed in circulation: but it was thought, that as it was the King's coin, he had a liberty to set a price upon it, at a different rate from any other bullion of the same fineness: and that he had also a right to command the proprietors of it to bring it to the mint at his own price.

    The consequence was, that those who could were very desirous to send it to Holland, in order to draw back the full value of it, in bills upon Paris.

    Under such circumstances, were not prohibitions upon the exportation of this coin most consistent with the plan laid down? We shall, in the next chapter, examine the consequences of this operation upon the exchange of France.

    What has been said, will, I hope, suffice to explain some of the principal motives which statesmen may have, when they lay restrictions on the exportation of the metals, with a view to favour the trade of their nation, or the interest of the exchequer.

    But besides the interest of trade, there are other reasons for laying prohibitions on the exportation of the national coin, although that of bullion be left free under certain restrictions.

    As often as it happens, that the value of a nation's coin remains at par with bullion of the same weight and fineness, this coin, if exported, may be melted down. This is a loss; because it puts the nation to the expence of coining more for the use of circulation.

    When nations give coinage gratis, or when they allow the coin of other nations the privilege of passing current under denominations exactly proportioned to its intrinsic value, then coin never can be worth more than any other bullion of the same standard; consequently, will be exported or smuggled out whenever there is a demand for it abroad.

    If, therefore, a nation do really desire to avoid an expence at the mint, they must make it the interest of merchants to export every other thing preferably to their own coin. This is done by imposing a duty upon the coinage; and this will either prevent the coins going out unnecessarily, or if it be necessary to export it, the coin will return in the payments made to the nation; because of its advanced value above any other bullion which can be sent.

    The forbidding of the exportation of coin, implies a restriction upon the exportation of bullion; because, unless the bullion be examined at the custom house, and the stamps upon it looked at, it may happen to be nothing but the nation's coin melted down, with an intention to avoid the law. For this reason, whoever brings bullion to be stamped, whether it be for exportation or not, must declare that it has not been made of the nation's coin. How slender a check are all such declarations! The only one effectual is private interest; and as no man will take his wig to stuff his chair, when he can get cheaper materials equally good, so no man will melt down coin which bears an advanced value, when he can procure any other bullion.

    On the whole, we may determine, that a flourishing commercial state, which has, on the average of its trade, a balance coming in from other countries, should lay it down as a general rule, to facilitate the exportation of its coin, as well as of bullion: and if a very particular circumstance should occur, which may continue for a short time, it may then put a temporary stop to it, and facilitate the payment of the balance by the means of credit.

    I have enlarged so much upon the methods of removing the first difficulty of paying a balance, with the coin or bullion found in a nation, that what remains to be said upon the second difficulty, to wit, the procuring them from other nations, need not be long.

    Were the mint weights of all countries sufficiently determinate; were the regulations concerning the standard of bullion exactly complied with; and were the current market prices of this important commodity, considered as a valuable piece of intelligence every where, the bullion trade would be much easier than it is.

    We have said, that when the reciprocal debts of two nations are equal, there is no occasion for bullion to discharge them. But trading nations are many; and from this it may happen, that one who, upon the whole, is creditor to the world, may be debtor to a place which is also creditor to the world; and in this case bullion is necessary to pay the debt.

    If a man owe money to a person who has many creditors, the person owing, may buy up a claim against him, and pay what he owes in that way: but if the person to whom he owes the money be indebted to nobody, then the debt must be paid with ready money. Just so of nations. For instance, when bullion is demanded to be exported to Holland, the English merchants, who are creditors on Spain and Portugal, take from thence their returns in bullion, for the sake of paying the balance to Holland, which is, upon the whole, creditor to the world.

    But as it seldom happens, that he who deals with Holland is the person who has credit in Spain or Portugal, he is obliged to apply to Portugal merchants in order to procure bullion. They again who trade thither, having profit on the returns of the commodities they bring from thence, will expect the same profits upon the bills they give to the man who wants to take his return in bullion. This plainly raises the price of bullion in the English market; because it is brought home in consequence of a demand from England. On the other hand, when the demands of England for Portuguese commodities is less than the value of what Portugal owes her, the Portugal merchants in London are obliged to take the balance in the metals. These come to the London market, and are offered to sale to those who want them: then the price of bullion falls; because the demand comes from the other side.

    To go through all the operations which merchants employ to abbreviate the process I have been describing, would, indeed, better explain the practical part of exchange, than what I have said; but I write not to instruct merchants, but to extract from their complicated operations, the principles upon which they are founded.