Book 1

1.1. Procopius of Caesarea has written the history of the wars which Justinian, Emperor of the Romans, waged against the barbarians of the East and of the West, recording each of them as it happened to come about, so that the great course of time might not, by mastering deeds of surpassing magnitude and leaving them bereft of record, surrender them to oblivion and render them altogether lost—deeds whose memory he himself believed would prove a great thing and most useful both to those now living and to those who shall come after, should time at any point again bring men into some like necessity.

1.2. For to those who intend to make war, and to those who will contend in any other struggle, the display of a kindred history can furnish some benefit, revealing how the like contests have turned out for men of former times, and hinting at what sort of end, in all likelihood, the present circumstances will have for those who plan them best.

1.3. And the writer knew himself to be of all men most capable of composing this history, for no other reason than that, having been chosen as counsellor to the general Belisarius, it fell to him to be present at very nearly all that was done.

1.4. He held it fitting that to rhetoric belongs cleverness, to poetry the invention of tales,

1.5. but to history the truth. And so he has not concealed the base deeds even of those most intimate with him, but has set down with exactness each thing that befell them all, whether they chanced to act well or in some other way.

1.6. Nothing will appear greater or mightier than the events that have come to pass in these wars, to anyone who wishes to judge truly.

1.7. For in them there have been accomplished feats more marvellous than any we know of by report—unless one who reads of these things should grant pride of place to the ancient past and refuse to think the deeds of his own day worthy of wonder.

1.8. Thus, for instance, some call the soldiers of the present day "archers," while they wish to assign the names "close-fighters" and "shield-bearers" and the like to the men of old, and they suppose that this kind of valour has by no means come down to the present time, making a judgement about it that is uninformed and very far removed from experience.

1.9. For it has never occurred to them that the archers in Homer, who from this very skill came to be named with reproach, had no horse beneath them, no spear, no shield to ward off a blow, nor any other guard for the body; but they went on foot into battle, and were compelled to hide themselves, choosing the shield of some comrade or crouching behind a tombstone upon a grave,

1.10. where they could neither save themselves if they turned to flight, nor fall upon the enemy as they fled, nor yet fight openly, but always seemed to be doing something stealthy in the engagement.

1.11. And apart from this, they used the craft so feebly that, drawing the string only to the breast, they then let fly the arrow, which would naturally prove weak and of no account to those who received it. Such, plainly, was archery in former times.

1.12. But the archers of today go into battle wearing corselets and fitted with greaves up to the knee. From the right side hang their arrows,

1.13. from the other the sword. There are some who have a spear also slung beside them, and on the shoulders a small shield without a grip, such as to cover the parts about the face and the neck.

1.14. They ride most skilfully, and even while the horse is running at full speed they are able without difficulty to bend the bow to either side, and to shoot both at pursuing enemies and at fleeing ones.

1.15. The string is drawn back along the forehead, close to the right ear, filling the arrow with such force that it kills whomever it strikes, and neither shield nor corselet can in any way turn aside the rush of it.

1.16. Yet there are some who, taking no thought of these things, reverence and stand in awe of antiquity and grant nothing more to the inventions of our own time. But none of this will prevent the events of these wars from having been the greatest and most worthy of record.

1.17. It shall be told, then, beginning a little further back, what befell the Romans and the Medes in their wars, both to suffer and to do.

2.1. When Arcadius, Emperor of the Romans, was about to end his life at Byzantium (for he had a son, Theodosius, not yet weaned), he was at a loss concerning both the child and the empire, being able to provide well for neither.

2.2. For the thought came to him that, if he should furnish Theodosius with some partner in the sovereignty, he would in effect be destroying his own son, by bringing against him as an enemy one clothed with imperial power;

2.3. but that if he should set him alone over the realm, many would lay claim to the empire, taking advantage, as was likely, of the child's defencelessness, and rising in revolt would seize the tyranny with no trouble, after destroying Theodosius—since the boy had no kinsman in Byzantium who could be his guardian.

2.4. For he by no means hoped that Honorius his uncle would help, since the affairs of Italy were already in evil case.

2.5. And no less did the situation with the Medes disturb him, for he feared that these barbarians might run down the youth of the sovereign and work irreparable harm upon the Romans.

2.6. Having fallen into this perplexity, Arcadius, though in other respects not quick-witted, devised a plan which had power easily to preserve both his son and his realm—whether he consulted with some of the learned men, of whom many are accustomed to attend upon a king, or whether some divine inspiration came to him.

2.7. For in drawing up the documents of his will, he declared the boy successor to the sovereignty, and set over him as guardian Yazdgerd, the King of the Persians, on whom he laid many charges in the will, to preserve the empire for Theodosius with all his strength and forethought.

2.8. Thus Arcadius, having disposed of both the empire and his private affairs, died. And Yazdgerd, King of the Persians, when he saw this document brought to him—being even before this most renowned for the greatness of his character—displayed a virtue worthy of much wonder and report.

2.9. For holding the injunctions of Arcadius in no neglect, he maintained an unbroken peace toward the Romans throughout the whole time, and preserved the empire for Theodosius.

2.10. At once, indeed, he wrote a letter to the Roman Senate, not refusing to be guardian of the Emperor Theodosius, and threatening war if anyone should attempt to set in motion a plot against him.

2.11. But when Theodosius had become a man and reached full maturity, and Yazdgerd had fallen sick and passed from among men, Varahran, King of the Persians, invaded the land of the Romans with a great army; yet he did no unkindness, but returned unsuccessful to his own country, in the following manner.

2.12. The Emperor Theodosius happened to have sent Anatolius, the General of the East, alone as an envoy to the Persians; and he, when he had come very near to the army of the Medes, leaped down from his horse alone and went on foot toward Varahran.

2.13. And Varahran, seeing him, asked those present who this man approaching might be. And they said that he was the General of the Romans.

2.14. Then the King, astounded at the surpassing honour shown him, himself turned his horse about and rode back, and the whole host of the Persians followed him.

2.15. And when he had come into his own land, he received the envoy with much friendliness, and granted the peace just as Anatolius desired, on this condition, however, that neither party should build any new fortification in its own territory near the borders of the other. And when this had been arranged, both sides carried on their own affairs as they wished.

3.1. At a later time Perozes, King of the Persians, waged war against the nation of the Ephthalite Huns, whom they call White, over the boundaries of their land; and having gathered a considerable army he marched against them.

3.2. The Ephthalites are indeed a Hunnic nation and are so called, yet they do not mingle with, nor are they neighbours to, any of the Huns we know; for they have no land bordering theirs, nor do they dwell anywhere near them. Rather they dwell next to the Persians toward the north wind, where there is a city named Gorgo close to the very edges of Persia; and there they are accustomed to dispute with one another over the boundaries of the land.

3.3. For they are not nomads, like the other Hunnic peoples, but have settled from of old upon a good land.

3.4. Therefore they have never made any invasion into the land of the Romans except together with the army of the Medes. Alone among the Huns these are white in body and not ill-favoured in countenance.

3.5. Nor do they have a manner of life like theirs, nor do they live any beast-like existence as those others do; but they are ruled by a single king, and possessing a lawful constitution they deal with one another and with their neighbours always uprightly and justly,

3.6. no less than the Romans and the Persians. The well-to-do among them make companions of friends, up to twenty, should it so chance, or even more, who become their fellow-banqueters forever, and share in all their possessions, since there is among them a kind of common right to these things.

3.7. And whenever the one who made them his companions happens to die, it is their custom that these men be carried alive into the tomb together with him.

3.8. When Perozes marched against these Ephthalites, there accompanied him an envoy who happened to have been sent to him by the Emperor Zeno, Eusebius by name. Now the Ephthalites, by way of giving their enemies the impression that they had taken fright at their onset and had rushed to flight, went at a run into a certain place encircled on all sides by precipitous mountains, which were thickly covered with abundant trees.

3.9. And to one advancing within the mountains as far as possible there appeared a broad road in the midst, reaching to a great length, but it had no exit anywhere at its end; rather it terminated at the very circle of the mountains.

3.10. Perozes, then, giving no thought to any trick, and not reflecting that he was journeying in a foreign land, pursued without taking heed.

3.11. Of the Huns, a few fled before him, but the greater part, hiding themselves unobserved in the difficult ground, got behind the rear of the enemy's army, and did not yet wish to make themselves manifest, so that the Persians, having advanced far into the ambush and gone deep within the mountains, might no longer be able to turn back.

3.12. When the Medes perceived this (for already some hint of the danger was appearing), they themselves, out of fear of Perozes, kept silence about their present plight, but earnestly entreated Eusebius to make some exhortation to the king—now that he was far removed from his own evils—to deliberate rather than to be rashly bold out of season, and to consider whether there might be some device that could lead to safety.

3.13. And he, coming into the presence of Perozes, by no means disclosed the present misfortune, but beginning with a fable he said that once a lion had come upon a goat bound and bleating on a piece of ground not very high, and that the lion, eager to make a meal of it, had rushed forward to seize it, but had fallen into a very deep pit, having a circular path narrow and unending (for it had no way out at all), which the owners of the goat had cunningly contrived for the purpose, setting the goat above the pit as a snare for the lion.

3.14. When Perozes heard this he fell into fear, lest perchance the Medes had made the pursuit against the enemy to their own undoing. And he no longer advanced, but remaining where he was took counsel about the situation.

3.15. But the Huns, now following openly, kept guard over the entrance to the place, so that the enemy might no longer be able to ride back out.

3.16. And then at last the Persians, having perceived clearly the evil they were in, accounted their situation a calamity, having for the future no hope at all of escaping the danger.

3.17. The King of the Ephthalites, sending to Perozes some of his followers, reproached him much for his unreasoning rashness, by which he had brought himself and the Persian race to destruction in no orderly fashion; and yet even so he promised that the Huns would grant them safety, provided that Perozes were willing both to do obeisance to him, as having become his master, and, swearing the oaths customary among them, to give pledges that the Persians would never make an expedition against the nation of the Ephthalites.

3.18. When Perozes heard this, he consulted with the Magi who were present and asked whether he ought to do what the enemy proposed.

3.19. The Magi answered that, as concerning the oath, it was for him to dispose of it as he wished; but as for the other matter, he should outwit his enemy by cunning.

3.20. For it was their custom, they said, to do obeisance to the risings of the sun each day.

3.21. He must therefore, watching the time exactly, meet with the ruler of the Ephthalites just at daybreak, and turning somewhere toward the rising sun do obeisance; for in this way he would be able thereafter to escape the disgrace of the act.

3.22. So Perozes gave the pledges concerning the peace and did obeisance to his enemy just as the counsel of the Magi prescribed; and with the whole Median army unharmed he gladly withdrew homeward.

4.1. Not long afterward, disregarding what he had sworn, he wished to punish the Huns for the insult done to him.

4.2. At once, then, gathering all the Persians and their allies from every land, he led them against the Ephthalites, leaving behind only one of his sons, Cabades by name (for at that time he chanced to have come of age), but taking with him all the rest, some thirty in number.

4.3. The Ephthalites, learning of his approach and grieved that they had been deceived by their enemies, reproached their king for having abandoned their cause to the Medes.

4.4. And he with a laugh asked them what it was that he had abandoned of theirs—whether the land, or their arms, or any other of all their possessions.

4.5. And they answered that it was nothing else than the moment, on which it happens that all else depends.

4.6. They thought, then, that they should meet the invaders with all eagerness, but he in the present case prevented them. For he insisted that nothing certain had yet become known to them about the invasion, since the Persians were still in their own land; and remaining where he was he did as follows.

4.7. In the plain where the Persians were going to break into the homeland of the Ephthalites, he cut off a great stretch of country for a long distance and dug a trench deep and of sufficient breadth, leaving in the middle a small unbroken space of ground, enough for a passage of ten horses.

4.8. And laying reeds over the trench above and heaping earth upon the reeds, he concealed it on the surface; and he charged the throng of the Huns that, whenever they were about to ride back from there, they should draw themselves together into a few and go more slowly through the firm ground, guarding against falling into the excavated places;

4.9. and the salts he hung from the top of the royal standard, by which Perozes had earlier sworn the oath, which, disregarding, he had then made his expedition against the Huns.

4.10. So long, then, as he heard that the enemy were in their own land, he waited quietly; but when he learned from his scouts that they had come to the city of Gorgo—which lies at the extreme borders of Persia—and that departing thence they were now advancing by the road against them, he himself with the greater part of the army remained within the trench, but sending a few he ordered them to be seen by the enemy in the plain far off, and being seen, then merely to flee back at full speed, keeping in mind his instructions about the pit when they came near to it.

4.11. And they did accordingly; and when they had come very near the channel, drawing themselves together into a few they all crossed over and mingled with the rest of the army.

4.12. But the Persians, having no understanding of the plot, pursued at full force across the very flat plain, holding to the enemy with great fury, and they all fell into the trench—not only the foremost, but also as many as followed behind;

4.13. for, since they were making the pursuit with great passion, as has been said, they by no means perceived the disaster that had befallen those going in front, but, falling upon them with their horses and spears, they killed those men, as was likely, and themselves perished no less along with them.

4.14. Among them was Perozes too, with all his sons. And they say that, as he was about to fall into this pit, he perceived the danger and, taking off the pearl that hung from his right ear—a pearl of the whitest hue and prized for its extraordinary size—he threw it away, so that no one might wear it afterward, since it was prodigiously worth seeing, such as had never before belonged to any other king; but to me they tell things not to be believed.

4.15. For he would not, when in such peril, have come to give thought to anything else whatsoever; rather, I think, his very ear was crushed together with him in that calamity, and the pearl was somewhere lost.

4.16. This pearl the Emperor of the Romans afterward was eager to buy from the Ephthalites, but was wholly unable; for the barbarians could not find it, though they made the search with much labour. They say, however, that the Ephthalites found it later and sold it to Cabades.

4.17. What the Persians tell about this pearl is worth relating; for to someone perhaps the account may seem not altogether incredible.

4.18. The Persians say, then, that this pearl was in an oyster in the sea which is among the Persians, and that the oyster swam not far from the shore there; and that both its shells were open, in the midst of which the pearl stood, a sight worthy of much account. For nothing else could be likened to it in all time, either in size or in beauty.

4.19. A sea-monster of huge size and terribly fierce became enamoured of this sight and followed in its track, relaxing neither by night nor by day; and even when it was compelled to attend to its food, it would there look about for something edible, and finding and taking up something would eat it as quickly as possible, and then, overtaking the oyster again, would fill itself once more with the sight of its beloved.

4.20. And once, they say, one of the fishermen looked on at what was happening, but in terror of the beast shrank from the danger, and brought the whole story to King Perozes.

4.21. And on Perozes hearing it, they say there came upon him a great longing for the pearl, and with many flatteries and hopes of good things he urged on this fisherman.

4.22. And he, unable to resist a master making his request, said this to Perozes: "O master, money is desirable to a man, but life is more desirable, and yet most worthy of all are children.

4.23. Constrained by natural affection for them, a man might perhaps venture all things. I, then, will make trial of the beast, and I have hope of making you

4.24. master of the pearl. And if I prevail in this contest, it is clear that from then on I shall be reckoned among those called blessed. For it is not unlikely that you, as King of Kings, will gift me with all good things; and for me it will suffice, even if, as may happen, I have gained nothing, to have become the benefactor of my master.

4.25. But if it must be that I am taken by this beast, then it will be your task, O King, to recompense my children for their father's death.

4.26. For thus I, even when dead, shall be paid in the dearest coin, and you will win a greater repute for virtue. For in benefiting my little ones you will do good to me, who shall in no wise know to thank you for the kindness. For this alone would be true gratitude: that which is shown toward the dead."

4.27. Having said so much, he departed. And when he came to the place where the oyster was wont to swim and the monster to follow it, there he sat upon a rock, watching for an opportunity, if somehow he might catch the pearl bereft of its lover.

4.28. And as soon as it happened that the monster met with some prey suitable for its meal and was occupied about this, the fisherman, leaving on the beach those who followed him for this service, went with great haste straight for the oyster, and having now laid hold of it he hastened to get clear with all speed.

4.29. The monster, perceiving this, came to the rescue. And the fisherman, seeing it, since he was about to be overtaken not far from the shore, hurled his catch onto the land with all his might, but he himself was caught and destroyed not long after.

4.30. Those left on the beach took up the pearl, carried it to the king, and reported all that had happened.

4.31. Thus, then, the Persians say it befell concerning this pearl, in the way that has been told. But I return to my former narrative.

4.32. In this way Perozes perished, and the whole Persian army. For if anyone chanced not to have fallen into the channel, he was made captive by the hands of the enemy.

4.33. And from this a law was laid down among the Persians, never, when driving through hostile land, to make any pursuit, even should it happen that they had routed their adversaries by main force.

4.34. Those, however, who had not joined the expedition with Perozes, but had remained in their own country—these chose for themselves as king Cabades, the youngest son of Perozes, who at that time alone survived.

4.35. Then the Persians became subject to the Ephthalites for the payment of tribute, until Cabades, having most firmly secured his rule, no longer thought fit to render them the yearly tribute. And these barbarians ruled over the Persians for two years.

5.1. After this Cabades, governing his rule more violently, introduced other innovations into the constitution, and in particular wrote a law that the Persians should have their women in common; which by no means pleased the people. Therefore, rising against him, they deprived him of the rule and, binding him, kept him in prison.

5.2. And they chose as king for themselves Blases, the brother of Perozes, since no male offspring of Perozes was any longer left, as has been said, and it is not lawful among the Persians for a man of private birth to be set over the kingship, except when the royal line is wholly extinct.

5.3. Blases, on receiving the kingship, gathered the noblest of the Persians and took counsel concerning Cabades; for it was not the wish of the majority to put the man to death.

5.4. There, then, many opinions were spoken, tending to either side; and there came forward one of the men of note among the Persians, by name Gousanastades, of the rank of chanaranges (this would be among the Persians a general), holding command near the very edges of the land of the Persians, in a region which borders the Ephthalites; and showing the knife with which the Persians are accustomed to trim the projecting parts of their nails, in length about that of a man's finger, in thickness not even a third of a finger, he said, "You see this knife,

5.5. small as it utterly is; this nevertheless is able at present to accomplish a task which, be well assured a little later, O dearest Persians, two myriads of armoured men would not be able to perform." Thus he spoke,

5.6. signifying that, unless they should slay Cabades, he would at once, if he survived, cause trouble for the Persians.

5.7. But they by no means resolved to kill a man of the royal blood; rather they shut him up in a fortress which they have been accustomed to call the Castle of Oblivion.

5.8. For if anyone happens to have been cast into this place, the law no longer permits there to be any mention of him, but death is the penalty for one who names him; and for this reason it has obtained from the Persians this appellation.

5.9. But once, the history of the Armenians says, the force of the law concerning the Castle of Oblivion was relaxed for the Persians, in the following manner.

5.10. A war once arose between the Persians and the Armenians, undeclared, for two-and-thirty years, in the reign of Pacurius over the Persians, and of Arsaces, a man of the Arsacid line, over the Armenians. And in this war, as it was prolonged, it befell that both were exceedingly afflicted, and the Armenians beyond measure.

5.11. But holding each other in much distrust, neither side was able to send a herald to the other. In the meanwhile it chanced that the Persians had to carry on a war against certain other barbarians dwelling not far from the Armenians.

5.12. The Armenians, then, being eager to make a display to the Persians of their goodwill and peaceableness toward them, resolved to invade the land of these barbarians, having first declared this to the Persians.

5.13. And falling upon them unexpectedly, they killed very nearly all of military age. Pacurius, overjoyed at what had been done, sent some of his intimates to Arsaces and, having given him pledges, summoned the man.

5.14. And when Arsaces came to him, he deemed him worthy both of all other friendliness and held him as a brother on equal and like terms.

5.15. And then, binding Arsaces with the most dread oaths, and himself swearing no less in turn that for the future the Persians and the Armenians should be well-disposed allies to one another, he straightway sent him back to go to his ancestral home.

5.16. Not long afterward certain men slandered Arsaces, as though he wished to attempt revolutionary measures. Persuaded by them, Pacurius again summoned him, intimating that he was concerned to consult with him about matters of general import.

5.17. And he, without any delay, came to him, bringing with him others of the most warlike among the Armenians, and Bassikius, who was his general and counsellor; for he had attained the highest degree of manliness and intelligence.

5.18. At once, then, Pacurius reproached both of them, Arsaces and Bassikius, with many rebukes, saying that, having disregarded their oaths, they had so quickly turned to apostasy. But they denied it and swore most persistently that they had taken no such counsel among themselves.

5.19. At first, then, Pacurius kept them in dishonour, but afterward asked the Magi what he ought to do concerning them.

5.20. The Magi by no means thought it just to condemn men who denied the charge and had not been clearly convicted; but they suggested to him a certain device, by which Arsaces himself might be forced openly to accuse himself.

5.21. For they bade him cover the floor of the royal tent with earth, half from the country of the Persians, and the other half from Armenia. And the king did accordingly.

5.22. Then the Magi, seizing the whole tent with certain enchantments, bade the king take his walks there together with Arsaces, charging him with having broken the things agreed and sworn.

5.23. And they too must be present at the conversation; for thus they would be witnesses of all that was said. At once, then, Pacurius summoned Arsaces and walked to and fro in the tent with him, the Magi being there present with them, and asked the man for what reason, having disregarded his oaths, he was again attempting to grind down the Persians and Armenians with irremediable evils.

5.24. And Arsaces, so long as the conversation took place in the part where the soil from the Persian land lay, denied it, and swearing by the most dread oaths protested that he was a faithful slave of Pacurius;

5.25. but when, in the midst of speaking, he came to the centre of the tent, where they stepped onto the soil of Armenia, there, constrained by I know not what, he suddenly changed these words to greater boldness, and ceased no longer threatening Pacurius and the Persians, but promised to take vengeance on them for this outrage as soon as he should become master of himself.

5.26. And speaking thus and behaving insolently, he made the whole circuit of his walk, until, turning back, he came again onto the soil from the land of the Persians. For there, as though singing some recantation, he became a suppliant and uttered piteous words to Pacurius.

5.27. But when he came again onto the soil of the Armenians, he passed over to threats. And being thus changed many times to either side, he concealed none of his secrets.

5.28. Then at last the Magi condemned him for having broken faith both with the treaties and the oaths. And Pacurius, having flayed off the skin of Bassikius and made of it a wineskin and filled it wholly with chaff, hung it on a very tall tree.

5.29. Arsaces, however (for he had no way to kill a man of the royal blood), he shut up in the Castle of Oblivion.

5.30. At a later time one of the Armenians, who was among the most intimate of Arsaces and had followed him when he went to the country of the Persians, joined an expedition with the Persians against a certain barbarian nation; and this man proved valiant in the toil, while Pacurius looked on at what was being done, and was the foremost cause of the victory for the Persians.

5.31. Therefore Pacurius bade him ask whatever he wished, declaring that he would fail of nothing from him.

5.32. And he asked for nothing else than that he might wait upon Arsaces for one day in whatever way he wished.

5.33. This grieved the king exceedingly, that he should be compelled to break so ancient a law; yet, that he might in all things keep faith, he granted that the request be fulfilled.

5.34. And when, by the king's command, he had come to the Castle of Oblivion, he embraced Arsaces, and both, throwing their arms about each other, made a sweet lament and bewailed their present fortune, and each could hardly bring himself to loose his hands from the other.

5.35. But when they had come to satiety of their lamentations and ceased, the Armenian bathed Arsaces and adorned him not carelessly in all else, and putting upon him the royal robe reclined him upon a couch.

5.36. And there Arsaces feasted those present in royal fashion, just as he had been wont to do in former times.

5.37. At this banquet many words were spoken over the cup which pleased Arsaces well, and many other things came up which were a delight to him; and as the drinking was prolonged until night, they took extraordinary pleasure in their converse with one another, and hardly could they part from each other and break up,

5.38. soaked through with their good cheer. Then, they say, Arsaces said that, having spent the sweetest of days and having been in company in it with the most longed-for of all men, he could no longer endure of his own will to undergo the wretchedness of life,

5.39. and so saying, he made away with himself with a knife which he chanced to have stolen on purpose at the feast, and thus he vanished from among men.

5.40. Such, then, as concerning this Arsaces, the history of the Armenians says befell in the manner that has been told, and that then the law concerning the Castle of Oblivion was relaxed. But I must return to where I left off.

6.1. While Cabades was shut up, his wife tended him, going in to him and bringing him his necessaries; and the keeper of the prison began to make trial of her, for she was exceedingly comely in appearance.

6.2. When Cabades learned this from his wife, he bade her give herself to the man to use as he wished. So the keeper of the fortress, lying with the woman, fell in love with her with an extraordinary love,

6.3. and from this he allowed her to make her entrances to her husband wherever she wished, and again to depart from there, with no one standing in the way. Now there was one of the men of note among the Persians, Seoses by name, very dear to Cabades,

6.4. who kept himself near this fortress, watching for an opportunity, if somehow he might be able to take him out from within.

6.5. And through the woman he signified to Cabades that horses and men were in readiness for him not far from the fortress, indicating to him a certain place.

6.6. And once, when night had come on, Cabades persuaded his wife to give him her own dress, and herself, putting on his garments, to sit in the prison in his stead, where he had been sitting.

6.7. Thus, then, Cabades departed from the prison. And those to whom this guard was assigned, seeing him, supposed that it was the woman; therefore they resolved neither to hinder nor otherwise to trouble him.

6.8. And at daybreak, seeing the woman in the chamber in her husband's garments, and being far from the truth, they thought that Cabades was there. And this impression held strong for many days,

6.9. until Cabades had got far along on his way. Now what befell the woman, when the plot came to light, and in what way they punished her, I cannot say exactly. For the Persians do not agree with one another; and therefore I leave it to be told.

6.10. Cabades, unobserved by all, came with Seoses to the Ephthalite Huns, and the king gave him his own daughter to wife, and thus, as to a son-in-law, sent with him a considerable army against the Persians.

6.11. This army the Persians by no means wished to oppose, but one in one direction, another in another, rushed to flight.

6.12. And when Cabades came into the country where Gousanastades held command, he said to some of his intimates that he would make that man chanaranges who should that day be the first of the Persians to come into his presence and offer his service.

6.13. But having said it he already repented of his words, for a law came into his mind which does not permit the Persians to confer offices on aliens, but on those to whom each honour belongs by birth.

6.14. For he feared lest someone first come to him who was not a kinsman of the chanaranges, and he be compelled to break the law in order to keep his own word true.

6.15. But while he had this in mind, some chance befell so that he need not, by being true to his word, dishonour the law. For Adergoudounbades happened to come to him first, a young man, kinsman of Gousanastades and exceedingly valiant in war.

6.16. He addressed Cabades as master and was the first to do obeisance to him as king, and begged that he might be used by him as a slave in whatever way he wished.

6.17. Cabades, then, coming with no trouble into the palace, and finding Blases bereft of defenders, blinded him in the manner in which the Persians are accustomed to blind malefactors—either boiling oil and pouring it, while at its hottest, into the eyes held open, or heating some iron pin red-hot and with it searing the inner parts of the eyes—and for the rest kept him in prison; he had ruled over the Persians for two years.

6.18. And having killed Gousanastades, he set Adergoudounbades in his place over the office of chanaranges, and at once proclaimed Seoses adrastadaran salanes. This signifies the one set over all offices and over all soldiers together.

6.19. This office Seoses alone, and first, held among the Persians; for it had belonged to no one either before or after. And Cabades secured the kingship and preserved it in safety. For he was quick-witted and effective, second to none.

7.1. A little later Cabades owed money to the King of the Ephthalites, which, when he was unable to pay him, he asked the Roman Emperor Anastasius to lend him this money. And he, consulting with some of his intimates, inquired whether he ought to do this.

7.2. And they would not allow him to make the contract. For they declared it inexpedient to make for the enemy a more secure friendship with the Ephthalites by means of their own money—men whom it was far better for them to set against one another as much as possible.

7.3. Therefore Cabades resolved, from no cause whatever, to make an expedition against the Romans. And first he came of his own accord upon the country of the Armenians, and after plundering most of it in a raid he came suddenly to the city of Amida, lying in Mesopotamia, which in the season of winter he set about besieging.

7.4. The Amidenes, though no soldiers were with them—since they were in peace and good fortune—and being otherwise altogether unprepared, nevertheless by no means wished to yield to the enemy, but held out against the dangers and the hardship beyond expectation.

7.5. There was among the Syrians a righteous man, Jacob by name, who had practised the things of God with exactness. This man, in a place called Endielon, distant from Amida a day's journey, had for many years before shut himself up, that he might be able the more securely to meditate upon piety.

7.6. And the people there, serving his purpose, set about him certain palisades, not joined together, however, but fixed apart from one another, so that those approaching could see him and converse with him.

7.7. And they built him a small roof above, just enough to ward off rains and snowfalls. There from of old this man sat, yielding least of all to either heat or cold, and living on certain seeds, on which he was wont to feed not daily, but at long intervals.

7.8. This Jacob, then, some of the Ephthalites, while overrunning the country there, saw, and with great haste they bent their bows and wished to shoot him. But the hands of them all became motionless and could by no means make the bows work.

7.9. When this, carried about through the camp, came to Cabades, he wished to become an eyewitness of the thing, and on seeing it he fell into great amazement together with the Persians present, and entreated Jacob to remit to the barbarians their offence. And he remitted it with a single word, and the terror was loosed for the men.

7.10. Cabades, then, bade the man ask whatever he wished, thinking that he would ask great riches, and even boasting that he should fail of nothing from him.

7.11. But he begged him to grant him the men—as many as in this war should come to him as refugees. This request Cabades fulfilled, and he gave letters as a pledge of their safety. Many, therefore, streaming together from every side, found refuge there; for the deed became famous. So much for that.

7.12. Cabades, besieging Amida, brought up the engine called the ram against the wall on every side. And the Amidenes always checked the battering with certain crossbeams; but he did not desist, until he learned that by this means the wall was not to be taken.

7.13. For though he often struck it, he was by no means able to bring down any part of the wall or to shake it, so securely had the building been wrought by those who built it of old.

7.14. Having failed in this, Cabades made an artificial mound as a siege-work against the city, far overtopping the height of the wall. And the besieged, beginning within the wall, dug a tunnel as far as the mound, and secretly carrying out the earth from there they hollowed out the inner part of the mound for a great extent. The outside, however, remained in the shape it had been given, affording no one any perception of what was being done.

7.15. Many Persians, then, climbing up as upon something secure, got onto the height and planned to shoot down from there upon those within the wall. But as the throng streamed up at a run, the mound suddenly collapsed and killed very nearly all of them.

7.16. Cabades, at a loss in his present circumstances, resolved to break off the siege, and on the next day gave orders to the army to withdraw.

7.17. Then the besieged, as though now careless of the danger, mocked the barbarians much with laughter from the wall.

7.18. And certain courtesans, lifting up their dress with no decorum, displayed to Cabades, who chanced to be standing near, those parts of women which it is not lawful to be seen naked by men.

7.19. The Magi, seeing this, came into the king's presence and prevented the withdrawal, declaring, in interpretation of what had happened, that the Amidenes would before long show Cabades all their secret and hidden things. Thus, then, the camp of the Persians remained where it was.

7.20. A few days later one of the Persians saw, near a certain tower, the outlet of an old conduit, not securely covered, but only with small pebbles and not very many.

7.21. And coming there alone by night and making trial of the entrance, he got within the wall. And at daybreak he reported the whole matter to Cabades. And he, on the following night, having ladders prepared, came there with a few men. And a favourable chance fell to him in the following way.

7.22. The tower which chanced to be nearest the conduit had been allotted to be guarded by the most temperate of the Christians, whom they have been accustomed to call monks. These happened on that day to be keeping a certain yearly festival to God.

7.23. And when night came on, all of them, since they had passed it in much toil because of the celebration, and rather more had come to satiety of food and drink than was their wont, were sleeping a sweet and gentle sleep, and from this perceived nothing at all of what was being done.

7.24. The Persians, then, coming by the conduit within the wall in small numbers, climbed up into the tower, and finding the monks still sleeping, killed them all.

7.25. When Cabades learned this, he brought up the ladders to the wall very near this tower.

7.26. It was already day. And of the Amidenes who were keeping guard in the adjoining tower, perceiving the disaster, hastened in haste to the rescue there.

7.27. And both sides used much pushing for a long time against each other, and the Amidenes, already getting the upper hand, killed many of those who had climbed up and thrust back those on the ladders, and were not far from repelling the danger.

7.28. But Cabades himself, drawing his scimitar and continually threatening with it, did not let the Persians cease rushing at the ladders, and death was the penalty for those who dared to turn back from there.

7.29. Therefore the Persians, by their great multitude becoming superior to their adversaries, conquered them in the battle, and the city was taken by storm on the eightieth day from the beginning of the siege.

7.30. And a great slaughter of the Amidenes took place, until, as Cabades was riding into the city, one of the Amidenes, an old man and a priest, came up and said that it was not kingly to murder those who had been captured.

7.31. Cabades, then, still held by his anger, answered, "Why, then, did you resolve to make war on me?" And he, taking up the word, at once said, "Because God wished to deliver Amida to you, not by our judgement, but by your

7.32. valour." Pleased by this saying, Cabades permitted no one to be killed for the future, but bade the Persians plunder the goods and reckon the survivors as slaves, and charged that all the notable men among them be set apart for himself.

7.33. A little later, leaving there a thousand men for the garrison and setting over them as commander Glones, a Persian, and a few wretched men of the Amidenes who were to serve the Persians in their daily living, he himself, with all the rest of the army and with the captives, marched homeward.

7.34. Toward these captives he used a humanity befitting a king; for after a short time he allowed them all to go to their own homes,

7.35. and in word they had escaped from him; and the Roman Emperor Anastasius performed deeds toward them worthy of virtue. For he remitted to the city all the yearly taxes for seven years, and presented them, both collectively and each individually, with many good things, so that much forgetfulness of what had happened came upon them. But these things took place at a later time.

8.1. At that time the Emperor Anastasius, learning that Amida was besieged, sent in haste a sufficient army. The commanders were several, according to the divisions of each, but four generals were set over all: Areobindus, son-in-law of Olybrius, who had been emperor in the West a little before,

8.2. and was at that time General of the East; and Celer, commander of the palace regiments (the office the Romans have been accustomed to call magister); and besides these the commanders of the soldiers in Byzantium, Patricius the Phrygian and Hypatius the nephew of the emperor: these were the four generals.

8.3. With them also was Justin, who later, on the death of Anastasius, became emperor; and Patriciolus with his son Vitalian, who, taking up arms against the Emperor Anastasius, not long afterward set up a tyranny; and Pharesmanes, by race a Colchian, but exceedingly valiant in war; and Godidisclus and Bessas, Gothic men, of the Goths who had not followed Theoderic when he went from Thrace into Italy, both prodigiously noble and experienced in the affairs of war; and many others, the best, accompanied them.

8.4. For such an army, they say, was never gathered against the Persians by the Romans, either before or after. These, however, did not go all assembled into one body, nor making one army, but each himself led the soldiers under him against the enemy.

8.5. As paymaster for the expense of the camp Apion the Egyptian was sent, a man eminent among the patricians and exceedingly effective; and the emperor proclaimed him in writing a partner of the empire, so that he might have authority to dispose of matters concerning the expenditure as he wished.

8.6. This army, then, was gathered slowly and proceeded somewhat leisurely. Therefore they did not find the barbarians in the land of the Romans, since the Persians, having made their inroad in a raid, at once withdrew to their native land with all the booty.

8.7. None of the generals at present wished to undertake the siege of those left in Amida; for they learned that they had brought in much provision; but they were eager to make an invasion into the country of the enemy.

8.8. Yet they did not go against the barbarians jointly, but encamping separately from one another they proceeded. Learning this, Cabades (for he chanced to be quite near) came quickly to the Roman borders and met them.

8.9. The Romans, however, had not yet learned that Cabades was coming against them with his whole army, but supposed that some small force of the Persians was there.

8.10. Those, then, under Areobindus encamped at a place called Arzamon, distant two days' journey from the city of Constantina; and those under Patricius and Hypatius at a place called Siphrios, which is distant from the city of Amida not less than three hundred and fifty stades. For Celer had not yet arrived there.

8.11. When Areobindus learned that Cabades was coming against them with all his army, he abandoned the camp and with all his followers rushed to flight, and went at a run to Constantina.

8.12. The enemy, coming up a little later, took the camp empty of men, together with the goods. From there they went quickly against the rest of the Roman army.

8.13. Those under Patricius and Hypatius, falling in with eight hundred Ephthalites who were going in front of the Persian army, killed very nearly all of them.

8.14. And learning nothing about Cabades and the Persian host, as though they had won a victory, they used their daily living more carelessly. So, laying down their arms, they prepared a meal for themselves. For already the time of day brought them to it.

8.15. Now a brook flowed in this place, where the Romans began to clean the meat on which they were going to feed.

8.16. And some, oppressed by the heat, thought fit to bathe, and the water of the brook, being thus disturbed, went forward. Cabades, learning what had happened to the Ephthalites, went quickly against the enemy;

8.17. and seeing the water of the brook fouled, and inferring what was being done, he perceived that his adversaries were unprepared, and gave orders to drive against them with all force. At once they fell upon them as they were feasting and unarmed.

8.18. The Romans, not enduring the onset, looked not at all to defence, but fled each as best he could; and of them some, being overtaken, perished, while others, going up onto the mountain that rises there, threw themselves down the precipice with much fear and tumult.

8.19. Whence, they say, no one was saved; but Patricius and Hypatius, at the beginning of the onset, were able to escape. Then Cabades, the hostile Huns having broken into his own land, withdrew with all his army homeward, and waged a long war against this nation in the northern parts of the country.

8.20. Meanwhile the rest of the Roman army also came, but accomplished nothing worthy of mention, because no one was set as supreme commander of the war, but the generals, being equal to one another, opposed one another in their counsels and were by no means willing to be in one place.

8.21. Celer, with his followers, crossing the Nymphius river, made an invasion into Arzanene.

8.22. This river is very near Martyropolis, and distant about three hundred stades from Amida. They, having plundered the country there, returned not long after. And in a short time this inroad was completed.

9.1. After this Areobindus went to Byzantium, summoned by the emperor, while the rest, coming to Amida in the season of winter, undertook the siege. And by force, although they made many attempts, they were unable to take the place, but they were going to do this by famine; for all provisions had failed the besieged.

9.2. But the generals, knowing nothing of the enemy's want, since they saw the soldiers oppressed by the siege and the winter, and at the same time suspected that a Persian army would come against them before long, were eager to depart from there in whatever way.

9.3. And the Persians, not knowing how they might fare in these straits, concealed their want of necessaries exactly, giving the impression that they had abundance of all provisions, and wished to withdraw to their own homes under a specious pretext.

9.4. There came about, then, on both sides a parley, on the terms that the Persians, receiving a thousand pounds of gold, should give back the city to the Romans. And both sides gladly fulfilled the agreement; and the son of Glones, receiving the money, handed Amida over to the Romans. For Glones had already died in the following way.

9.5. While the Romans had not yet encamped there, but were not far from the city of Amida, one of the country folk—who was accustomed to enter the city secretly and to sell to this Glones fowls and bread and many seasonable things for great sums of money—came into the presence of the general Patricius and promised to deliver Glones into his hands together with two hundred Persians, if he might receive from him some hope of recompense.

9.6. And he, having promised that all should be as he wished, dismissed the man. And he, rending his garments terribly and looking like one who had wept, entered the city.

9.7. And coming to Glones, tearing his hair, he said, "I chanced, O master, to be bringing you all the good things from the country, but soldiers of the Romans, falling upon me (for they go about somewhere in these districts in small bands and do violence to the wretched country folk), inflicted on me blows past bearing, and the robbers went off having taken everything; men whose custom from of old it is both to fear the Persians and to do violence to the husbandmen.

9.8. But come, O master, defend yourself and us and the Persians. For if you go out to hunt in the suburbs of the city, you will have no mean quarry. For the accursed wretches go about in fives or fours and rob travellers." Thus

9.9. he spoke. And Glones, persuaded, asked the man how many Persians he supposed would suffice for the business.

9.10. And he said that fifty would suffice him well; for he could never fall in with more than five of them going along the road; yet, that nothing unexpected might befall them, it was none the worse to take even a hundred to the work; and if even double these, all the better. For no harm could come to a man from the surplus.

9.11. Glones, then, choosing out two hundred horsemen, bade the man lead the way for them.

9.12. But he insisted that it was better for himself to be sent first on a reconnaissance, and that if, seeing the Romans still going about in the same places, he should report it, then the Persians should in good season make the sally. Glones thought he spoke well, and at his bidding he set out.

9.13. And coming to the general Patricius, he told everything; and he sent with him two of his own bodyguards and a thousand soldiers.

9.14. These he hid near a village called Thilasamon, distant forty stades from Amida, in glens and wooded places, and charged them to remain there in these ambushes, and himself went at a run to the city.

9.15. And telling Glones that the quarry was ready, he led him and the two hundred to the ambush of the enemy. And when they had passed the place where the Romans sat in wait, having escaped the notice of Glones and all the Persians, he both roused the Romans from the ambush and pointed out to them the enemy.

9.16. When the Persians saw them coming against them, they were astounded at the unexpectedness and held in great helplessness. For they could neither ride back, since the enemy were at their rear, nor flee anywhere else in a hostile land.

9.17. From the present situation, drawing themselves up as for battle, they defended themselves against the assailants; but, being far inferior in number, they were defeated and perished all together with Glones.

9.18. When the son of Glones learned this, in his great grief and seething with anger that he could not avenge his father, he burned the church of Symeon, a holy man, where Glones had lodged.

9.19. And yet no other building did either Glones or Cabades, nor indeed any other of the Persians, resolve either to pull down or to destroy in any other way in Amida, except this. But I return to my former narrative.

9.20. Thus the Romans, by giving the money, recovered Amida two years after it had been taken by the enemy. And when they had come into it, both their own carelessness and the endurance of the Persians' way of life became known.

9.21. For reckoning the measure of the food left there and the throng of barbarians who had gone out, they found that provision for about seven days had been left in the city, although Glones and his son had given out the food to the Persians more sparingly than the need required for a long time.

9.22. For to the Romans in the city, as I have already shown, who had remained with them, they resolved to furnish nothing at all from the time the enemy began the siege; and these, coming first to unaccustomed foods and laying hands on all things unlawful,

9.23. at last in the end even tasted of one another. Therefore the generals perceived that they had been deceived by the barbarians, and reproached the soldiers with their lack of self-control, in that, by showing themselves more disobedient, when it had been possible to take captive so great a multitude of Persians and the son of Glones together with the city, they had instead transferred the Romans' money to the enemy, and so had fastened on themselves a great shame, and had received Amida bought with silver from the Persians.

9.24. Later the Persians, as their war against the Huns was prolonged, came to terms with the Romans, which were made for seven years, Celer the Roman and Aspebedes the Persian making them; and both withdrew homeward and remained quiet.

9.25. Thus, then, as has been said, the war which had begun between the Romans and the Persians came to this end. But I now go on to relate what befell concerning the Caspian Gates.

10.1. The Cilician mountain, the Taurus, passes first by the Cappadocians and the Armenians and the land of those called the Persarmenians, and further by the Albanians and the Iberians, and all the other nations, both independent and subject to the Persians, that dwell there.

10.2. For it extends over a great country, and as one advances this mountain reaches an immense thing in breadth and height.

10.3. But to one who has crossed the borders of the Iberians there is a certain path in much narrowness, reaching fifty stades.

10.4. And this path ends at a precipitous and altogether impassable place. For no passage at all appears for the rest, except that, as it were, nature has there discovered some artificial gate, which from of old was called the Caspian.

10.5. And from there on are plains fit for horsemen, full simply of much water, and a wide country, fit for pasturing horses and otherwise level.

10.6. Here nearly all the Hunnic nations are settled, reaching as far as the Maeotic Lake.

10.7. If these go through the gate which I just now mentioned into the country of the Persians and Romans, they come with fresh horses, using no roundabout way at all, nor meeting any precipitous places, except those fifty stades reaching to the borders of the Iberians, as has been said.

10.8. But going by certain other passes they arrive with much toil and can no longer use the same horses. For they must necessarily make many circuits, and these precipitous.

10.9. When Alexander, son of Philip, perceived this, he built gates at the place mentioned and established a guard-post. This many others in the course of time held, and among them Ambazouces, a Hun by race, but a friend of the Romans and of the Emperor Anastasius.

10.10. This Ambazouces, when he had come to deep old age and was about to die, sent to Anastasius and asked that money be given him, on condition that he should hand over both the guard-post and the Caspian Gates to the Romans.

10.11. But the Emperor Anastasius (for he neither knew how nor was wont to act without consideration), reckoning that it was impossible to support soldiers there in a place destitute of all good things and having no nation subject to the Romans in the neighbourhood, expressed much thanks to the man for his goodwill toward him, but by no means accepted this proposal.

10.12. Ambazouces, then, not long after died of disease, and Cabades, forcing his sons, took the gates.

10.13. And the Emperor Anastasius, when the truce with Cabades had been made, built a city in a place called Daras, exceedingly strong and worthy of account, named after the emperor himself.

10.14. This is distant from the city of Nisibis ninety-eight stades, and from the boundary which divides the lands of the Romans and the Persians about twenty-eight.

10.15. And the Persians, though eager to hinder the building, were by no means able, being pressed by their occupation with the Hunnic war.

10.16. But as soon as Cabades had brought it to an end, he sent to the Romans and complained that they were building a city very near their own borders, this being forbidden by the things agreed of old between the Medes and the Romans.

10.17. At that time, then, Anastasius, partly threatening, partly proffering his friendship and gifting him with no mean sums of money, wished to put him off and dissolve the charge.

10.18. And this emperor built another city like it in Armenia, very near the borders of Persarmenia, which from of old happened to be a village, but having received the dignity of a city as far as the name from the Emperor Theodosius had become named after him.

10.19. But Anastasius, surrounding it with a most strong wall, caused the Persians no less trouble than through the other; for both became siege-works against their country.

11.1. When Anastasius died a little later, Justin received the kingship, all the kinsmen of Anastasius being driven from it, although they were many and very illustrious.

11.2. Then a certain anxiety came upon Cabades, lest the Persians might attempt some revolution against his house as soon as he himself should end his life, since he was not going to be able to pass on the rule to any of his sons without dispute.

11.3. For of his sons the eldest, Kaoses, the law called to the kingship on account of his age, but by no means pleased Cabades. And the father's judgement strove against both nature and law.

11.4. And Zames, who held the second place, the law excluded, since one of his eyes had been struck out. For one-eyed, or held by any other maiming, it is not lawful for the Persians to set up as king.

11.5. But Chosroes, who had been born to him from the sister of Aspebedes, the father loved exceedingly; yet, seeing nearly all the Persians, so to speak, struck with wonder at the manliness of Zames (for he was valiant in war) and revering his other virtue, he feared lest, rising against Chosroes, they might work irreparable deeds upon his line and the kingship.

11.6. It seemed to him, then, best to settle both the war and the causes of the war with the Romans, on condition that Chosroes should be made adopted son of the Emperor Justin; for thus alone, he thought, could he preserve security for the rule. Therefore he sent envoys and a letter about these things to Byzantium to the Emperor Justin.

11.7. And the writing declared as follows: "That we have suffered unjust things at the hands of the Romans you yourself also know; but I have resolved to remit to you all the charges altogether, knowing this, that those men would most of all among men be victorious who, having justice on their side, then, being worsted of their own free will, are overcome by their friends.

11.8. A favour, however, I ask of you in return for these things, which would be able to bind not us alone, but the whole subject population of each, both into kinship and into the goodwill that naturally springs from it, and to set us, surely, in full enjoyment of the goods of peace.

11.9. I mean, that you make my Chosroes, who shall be my successor in the kingship, your adopted son."

11.10. When the Emperor Justin saw this brought to him, he himself was overjoyed, and so too was Justinian, the emperor's nephew, who was reckoned likely to succeed to the kingship.

11.11. And in haste they hastened to set the adoption in writing, in the way that is the law for the Romans, had not Proclus prevented it, who then sat in counsel beside the emperor, holding the office of the so-called quaestor, a man just and conspicuously most incorruptible in money.

11.12. And so he neither readily drew up any law nor wished to disturb any of the established things, who then too, in opposition, spoke as follows:

11.13. "To attempt innovations is not my custom, and besides I fear them most of all, knowing well that in innovation safety is by no means preserved.

11.14. And it seems to me that, even if one were exceedingly bold about such things, he would shrink from this affair and dread the surge that comes of it.

11.15. For I think there is nothing else at present under our deliberation than how we may hand over the affairs of the Romans to the Persians under a specious pretext; men who, not concealing it nor using any veils, but openly avowing their design, thus shamelessly claim to take from us the kingship—putting forward as the manifest part of their deceit a candour, but with a shameless word holding out a wish to avoid trouble.

11.16. And yet each of you ought to repel this attempt of the barbarians with all your might: you, O Emperor, that you may not be the last emperor of the Romans; and you, O General, that you may not become an obstacle to yourself in the way of the kingship.

11.17. For all other sophisms of speech, cloaked for the most part in dignity, might perhaps need an interpreter for the many; but this embassy plainly, at once from its very preamble, wishes to make this Chosroes, whoever he is, heir to the Roman Emperor.

11.18. For reason thus with yourselves about these things: by nature the goods of fathers are owed to children, and the laws, which in all men ever conflict with one another in everything, here, among both the Romans and all barbarians, come together and agree with one another in declaring that children are the masters of the father's estate. So that, having chosen the first step, it will remain for you to concede all the rest."

11.19. So much Proclus said. And the emperor and the emperor's nephew received his words and took counsel about what should be done.

11.20. In the meanwhile Cabades sent another letter to the Emperor Justin, asking him to send him men of repute, on condition that they should make the peace with him, and to indicate by letter the manner in which he wished the adoption of his son to be settled.

11.21. And then Proclus, still more than before, disparaged the Persians' attempt, and insisted that they were concerned how they might most securely appropriate the Roman power to themselves.

11.22. And he expressed the opinion that the peace should at once be concluded with them, but that the foremost men should be sent by the emperor for it, who, when Cabades inquired in what way the adoption of Chosroes ought to be made, should answer plainly that it must be as befits a barbarian, signifying that the barbarians make their children adopted not by writings, but by the panoply of arms.

11.23. So, then, the Emperor Justin dismissed the envoys, promising that the best of the Romans should follow them before long, who should arrange both the matters concerning the peace and Chosroes in the best way.

11.24. And he replied to Cabades by letter to the same effect. There were sent, then, from the Romans Hypatius, nephew of Anastasius who had been emperor before, a patrician and holding the office of General of the East, and Rufinus the son of Silvanus, a man of repute among the patricians and known to Cabades from their fathers' time;

11.25. and from the Persians a most powerful man, enjoying great authority, by name Seoses, and of the dignity of adrastadaran salanes, and Mebodes,

11.26. holding the office of magister. These, coming together to a certain place which divides the land of the Romans and the Persians, and conferring with one another, set about both to dissolve their differences and to arrange well the matters concerning the peace.

11.27. And Chosroes came to the Tigris river, which is distant from the city of Nisibis about two days' journey, in order that, whenever the matters concerning the peace should seem to both sides to be in the best state, he might himself set out for Byzantium.

11.28. Many other arguments, then, were spoken by both parties about their differences, and Seoses said that the land of Colchis, which is now called Lazica, having been from of old subject to the Persians, the Romans held by no right, having seized it by force.

11.29. The Romans, hearing this, thought it monstrous, that Lazica too should be disputed by the Persians. And when they also declared that the adoption of Chosroes ought to take place as befits a barbarian, it seemed to the Persians not to be endured.

11.30. Both sides, then, parted and withdrew homeward, and Chosroes departed to his father unsuccessful, exceedingly grieved at what had befallen and praying to take vengeance on the Romans for the insult done to him.

11.31. After this Mebodes slandered Seoses to Cabades, alleging that on purpose, when it had not been enjoined on him by his master, he had put forward the argument about Lazica, frustrating the peace, having first consulted with Hypatius, who, being by no means well-disposed toward his own emperor, would not allow the peace and the adoption of Chosroes to be brought to effect; and bringing many other accusations besides, the enemies of Seoses called him to trial.

11.32. The whole council of the Persians, then, sat in judgement, gathered together rather by envy than by law. For they were not unreasonably vexed at his office, unaccustomed to themselves, and were hard upon the man's character.

11.33. For Seoses was most incorruptible in money and a most exact guardian of justice, but held by the disease of arrogance in no way like the rest of mankind. For this seems to be inborn in the rulers of the Persians; but in Seoses they themselves also thought that the malady had come to its very height.

11.34. And the accusers said both these things which I have already shown, and that the man was by no means willing to live in the established manner or to keep the customs of the Persians.

11.35. For he both worshipped strange divinities and had lately buried his wife when she died, it being forbidden by the laws of the Persians ever to hide in the earth the bodies of the dead.

11.36. The judges, then, condemned the man to death, and Cabades, though he seemed to grieve with Seoses as with a friend, by no means wished to deliver him.

11.37. Yet he did not declare that he held him in anger, but he did not wish to break the laws of the Persians by his word, although he owed the man his life, since Seoses had been the foremost cause of his living and being king. Thus Seoses, being condemned, was made to vanish from among men.

11.38. And the office, beginning with him, ended with him. For no other became adrastadaran salanes. And Rufinus too slandered Hypatius to the emperor.

11.39. Therefore the emperor deprived him of his office and, having most cruelly tortured some of his intimates, found nothing sound at all in this slander; yet he did Hypatius no other harm.

12.1. At once Cabades, although eager to make an invasion into the land of the Romans, was by no means able, since the following hindrance befell him.

12.2. The Iberians, who dwell in Asia, are settled close to the Caspian Gates, which are to them toward the north wind. And to their left, lying toward the setting of the sun, is Lazica; on the right, toward the rising sun, are the Persian nations.

12.3. This people are Christians and guard the rites of this faith more than all men whom we know, but they have been from of old subject to the King of the Persians.

12.4. At that time Cabades wished to force them to the rites of his own faith. And he charged their king Gourgenes both to do the other things as the Persians hold custom, and least of all to hide the dead in the earth, but to cast them all to birds and dogs.

12.5. Therefore Gourgenes wished to go over to the Emperor Justin and asked to receive pledges that the Romans would never abandon the Iberians to the Persians.

12.6. And he both gave him these with much eagerness, and sent Probus, nephew of the Anastasius who had been emperor, a patrician, with much money to Bosporus, in order that, having persuaded an army of Huns with money, he might send them to the Iberians for alliance.

12.7. Now Bosporus is a city on the sea, on the left as one sails into the so-called Euxine Sea, distant from the city of Cherson, which is the farthest of the land of the Romans, twenty days' journey. And all the country between these the Huns hold.

12.8. The Bosporites of old dwelt independent, but had lately resolved to go over to the Emperor Justin.

12.9. But when Probus returned from there unsuccessful, the emperor sent the general Peter with some Huns to Lazica to fight as ally to Gourgenes with all his power.

12.10. Meanwhile Cabades sent a considerable army against Gourgenes and the Iberians, and as general a Persian man, of the dignity of varizes, Boes by name.

12.11. And Gourgenes, appearing too weak to bear the onset of the Persians, since the help from the Romans was not sufficient for him, fled with all the notables of the Iberians to Lazica, taking with him his wife and children and his brothers, of whom Peranius was the eldest.

12.12. And coming to the borders of Lazica they remained, and fencing themselves with the difficult ground, they withstood the enemy.

12.13. But the Persians, following them, accomplished nothing worthy of mention, the matter standing against them because of the difficult ground.

12.14. After this both the Iberians came to Byzantium and Peter came summoned to the emperor; and for the rest the emperor asked the Lazi, who were unwilling, to keep guard over the country together with him, sending both an army and Irenaeus as commander.

12.15. Now there are in Lazica two fortresses straightway as one enters from the borders of Iberia, of which the guarding was from of old a care to the natives, though held by them with much hardship, since neither grain nor wine nor any other good thing is produced there.

12.16. Nor indeed is it possible to bring anything in from elsewhere because of the narrowness,

12.17. except by men carrying it. The Lazi, however, by means of certain millets that grow there, which had become customary to them, were able to live.

12.18. The emperor, removing these guards from there, ordered Roman soldiers to be set over the guarding of the fortresses.

12.19. To these at first the Lazi with difficulty brought provisions, but later both they themselves declined the service and the Romans abandoned these fortresses, and the Persians with no trouble took them. These things took place in Lazica.

12.20. But the Romans, with Sittas and Belisarius leading them, invading Persarmenia, which is subject to the Persians, both plundered much country and, having enslaved a very great multitude of Armenians, withdrew.

12.21. Now these two men were young and just bearded for the first time, and bodyguards of the general Justinian, who at a later time held the kingship together with Justin his uncle. And another invasion of the Romans into Armenia having taken place, Narses and Aratius unexpectedly opposed them and came to blows.

12.22. These not long after came as deserters to the Romans and made an expedition with Belisarius into Italy; but at that time, joining battle with those under Sittas and Belisarius, they got the better.

12.23. Another Roman army also invaded near the city of Nisibis, of which Libelarius from Thrace was commander. These fled and made their withdrawal straight back, although no one was pursuing them.

12.24. Therefore the emperor deprived Libelarius of his office, and set up Belisarius as commander of the troops at Daras. Then it was that Procopius, who wrote this history, was chosen as his counsellor.

13.1. Not long afterward Justin, having proclaimed his nephew Justinian emperor together with himself, died, and from him the kingship came to Justinian alone.

13.2. This Justinian bade Belisarius build a fortress in a place called Mindous, which is at the very borders of the Persians,

13.3. on the left as one goes to Nisibis. He, then, with great eagerness carried out what seemed good to the emperor, and the stronghold was already being raised to a height by the multitude of workmen.

13.4. But the Persians forbade them to build anything further, not by words alone, but threatening that they would not long after be hinderers in deed also.

13.5. When the emperor heard this (for Belisarius was not able to repel the Persians from there with his present army), he ordered another army to go to that place, and Coutzes and Bouzes, who then commanded the soldiers in Lebanon. These were brothers from Thrace, both young and coming to blows with the enemy not with safety.

13.6. Both sides, then, having gathered, came in a body against the building, the Persians to hinder it with all their might, the Romans to defend those who were constructing.

13.7. A fierce battle taking place, the Romans were defeated, and a great slaughter of them occurred, and some the enemy took alive.

13.8. Among these was Coutzes. These the Persians, leading all to their native homes, bound and kept shut up the whole time in a cave, and pulled down the building of the fortress to the ground, no one any longer defending it.

13.9. Later the Emperor Justinian, having appointed Belisarius General of the East, ordered him to make an expedition against the Persians. And he, gathering a considerable army, came to Daras.

13.10. And Hermogenes came to him from the emperor to help arrange the army, holding the dignity of magister, who had sat in counsel beside Vitalian before, when he was an enemy to the Emperor Anastasius.

13.11. And the emperor sent Rufinus as an envoy, whom he ordered to remain in Hierapolis, which is by the Euphrates river, until he himself should give the signal. For already many parleys were taking place on both sides about peace.

13.12. But suddenly someone reported to Belisarius and Hermogenes that the Persians were reckoned likely to invade the land of the Romans, being eager to take the city of Daras.

13.13. And they, hearing this, prepared the matters concerning the battle-line as follows. At the gate which lies opposite the city of Nisibis, not far off, but about a stone's throw, they dug a certain deep trench, having many cross-passages. Not in a straight line, however, was this trench dug, but in the following manner.

13.14. Along the middle a short straight stretch had been made, and on either side of it two straight arms were made, and at the ends of the two straight arms they again led out the trenches in straight lines for a great length.

13.15. The Persians, then, not long after came with a great army, and in a place called Ammodios, distant from the city of Daras a measure of twenty stades,

13.16. they all encamped. There were several commanders, and among them Pityaxes and Baresmanas the one-eyed. And one general was set over all, a Persian man, of the dignity of mirranes (for so the Persians call this office), Perozes by name.

13.17. He at once sent to Belisarius and bade him have the bath prepared; for he wished to bathe there on the morrow.

13.18. Therefore the Romans most vigorously prepared the matters concerning the engagement, intending to fight on the following day.

13.19. And at sunrise, seeing the enemy advancing against them, they drew up as follows. The far end of the left straight stretch, which was below the straight arm, as far as the hill that rises there, Bouzes held with many horsemen, and Pharas the Herul with three hundred of his own kind;

13.20. and on their right, outside the trench, at the angle which the straight arm and the straight line from there made, were Sunicas and Aïgan, Massagetae by race, with six hundred horsemen, so that, if those under Bouzes and Pharas should be put to flight, they themselves, going quickly aslant and getting behind the enemy's rear, might easily defend the Romans there. On the other side they were drawn up in the same manner;

13.21. for the far end of the straight line many horsemen held, of whom John the son of Nicetas was commander, and Cyril and Marcellus; and with them were Germanus and Dorotheus; and at the angle on the right six hundred horsemen were drawn up, of whom Simmas and Ascan the Massagetae were commanders, in order that, as has been said, if those under John should be put to flight, should it so chance, they themselves rising up from there might come upon the rear of the Persians.

13.22. Everywhere along the trench both the squadrons of the horsemen and the foot army stood. Behind these those under Belisarius and Hermogenes stood at the centre.

13.23. Thus the Romans, coming together to twenty-five thousand, drew up; but the army of the Persians was four myriads of horse and foot, and they stood all in succession in line, intending to make the front of the phalanx very deep.

13.24. For a long time, then, neither side began the battle against the other, but the Persians seemed to marvel at the good order of the Romans and to be at a loss how they should deal with the present situation.

13.25. And toward late afternoon of the day a certain portion of the horsemen who held the right wing, breaking off from the rest of the army, came against those under Bouzes and Pharas.

13.26. And they withdrew a little to the rear. But the Persians did not pursue them, but remained where they were, fearing, I suppose, some encircling movement by the enemy. After this the Romans who had fled suddenly rushed against them.

13.27. And they, not withstanding the onset, rode back to the phalanx, and again those under Bouzes and Pharas drew up in their own place.

13.28. In this affair seven of the Persians fell, of whose bodies the Romans took possession, and for the rest both sides remained quietly in their order.

13.29. But one Persian man, a young man, driving his horse very near the Roman army, challenged all, if anyone wished to come to blows with him.

13.30. And of the rest no one dared to undertake the danger, but there was a certain Andreas among the household of Bouzes, no soldier nor one who had ever practised anything pertaining to war, but a trainer of youths and set over a certain wrestling-school in Byzantium.

13.31. Therefore he also followed the army, attending to the body of Bouzes in the bath, and was by race a Byzantine. This man alone took courage—neither Bouzes nor any other whomsoever having given the order—of his own accord to go out to single combat against the man. And anticipating the barbarian while he was still looking about where to charge, he smote him by the right breast with his spear.

13.32. And he, not enduring the blow of an exceedingly strong man, falls from his horse to the ground. And Andreas with a certain short knife slew him, lying on his back like a sacrificial victim, and an extraordinary shout was raised both from the wall and from the Roman camp.

13.33. The Persians, exceedingly grieved at what had happened, sent forth another horseman for the same business, brave and well-grown in stature, but no young man—rather grizzled in some of the hair on his head.

13.34. He, coming up to the army of the enemy, and continually shaking the whip with which he was wont to strike his horse, called the Romans, whoever wished, to battle.

13.35. And as no one came out against him, Andreas again, unobserved by all, came into the middle, although it had been forbidden him by Hermogenes.

13.36. Both, then, with their spears, holding to one another with much passion, rushed together, and the spears, driven against the corselets, were terribly turned aside, and the horses, dashing their heads together, fell themselves and threw off their riders.

13.37. And these two men, having fallen very near one another, hastened both with great eagerness to rise; but the Persian could not do this easily, his size being against him, while Andreas, getting ahead (for this his exercise in the wrestling-school taught him), struck him with his knee as he was rising, and again, when he had fallen to the ground, killed him.

13.38. And a shout from the wall and from the Roman army was raised no less, if not more; and the Persians, breaking up the phalanx, withdrew to Ammodios, while the Romans, raising the paean, got within the wall.

13.39. For already it was growing dark. And thus both sides passed that night in their bivouac.

14.1. On the next day there came to the Persians ten thousand soldiers summoned from the city of Nisibis, and Belisarius and Hermogenes wrote to the mirranes as follows: "That peace is the first good has been agreed by all men who have even a

14.2. little share of reason. So that whoever should become a destroyer of it would be the foremost cause of evils, not to his neighbours only, but also to his own kindred. That general, then, is best who is able to dispose peace out of war.

14.3. But you, when affairs are well established for the Romans and the Persians, have resolved to bring upon us, who give no cause, a war, though each emperor is deliberating peaceful measures, and envoys of ours are already at hand in the neighbourhood, who will not long after dissolve the differences by their converse with one another, unless something irreparable, befalling from your onset, should be able to check this hope for us.

14.4. But lead off your army as quickly as possible to the native land of the Persians, and stand not in the way of the greatest goods, lest, as is likely, you become to the Persians the cause of the dread things that will come to pass."

14.5. When the mirranes saw the letter brought to him, he replies as follows: "I would have done what is asked, persuaded by what is written, if the letter did not happen to be of the Romans, to whom it is easy to make promises, but most hard in deed to fulfil what they have promised, and beyond hope, especially if you should ratify the agreements with certain oaths.

14.6. We, then, having refused your deceit, have been forced to come against you in arms; and you, O dear Romans, henceforth think nothing else than that you must make war on the Persians. For here we shall have either to die or to grow old, until you set just things toward us in deed." So much, then, the mirranes wrote in reply.

14.7. Again those under Belisarius wrote as follows: "You ought not in all things to gratify your arrogance, O most excellent mirranes, nor to cast upon your neighbours reproaches that in no wise belong to them.

14.8. For that Rufinus, coming on an embassy, is not far off, we both said with truth, and you yourself will not long after know.

14.9. But to you, longing for deeds of war, we will oppose ourselves with God, whom we know will help us in the danger—God who is moved by the peaceableness of the Romans, and is wroth at the arrogance of the Persians, and at you, who have resolved to oppose us when we call you to peace.

14.10. And we will array against you what is written by both sides, fastened to the tips of our standards,

14.11. as we go into the engagement." So much the writing declared. And the mirranes again replies as follows: "Neither do we set ourselves to war without our gods, but with them will we come against you, who, I have hope, will bring the Persians within Daras on the morrow.

14.12. But let the bath and breakfast be prepared for me within the wall." When those under Belisarius had read this, they prepared for the engagement.

14.13. On the following day, having called together all the Persians about sunrise, the mirranes spoke as follows: "I am not unaware that it is not by the words of their leaders, but by their own valour and their mutual respect, that the Persians are wont to take courage in dangers.

14.14. But seeing you reasoning why on earth the Romans—who never before, without tumult and disorder, used to go into battle—have now with a certain good order, in no wise befitting them, lately withstood the Persians advancing against them, for this reason I have resolved to make some exhortation to you, that you may not, by using a false impression, chance to be deceived.

14.15. For do not suppose that the Romans have suddenly become better in war, nor that they have acquired anything more of valour or experience; rather they have even become more cowardly than they formerly were, who so fear the Persians that they have not dared even without a trench to draw up in the phalanx.

14.16. Nor with this did they begin any battle, but since we by no means came to blows with them, glad and thinking that affairs had turned out for them beyond hope, they retired to the wall.

14.17. Therefore it has not befallen them even to be thrown into confusion, since they have not yet come into the danger of battle. But if the battle should come to close quarters, dread and inexperience, taking hold of them, will, as is likely, reduce them to their accustomed disorder.

14.18. Such, then, are the affairs of the enemy. But let the judgement of the King of Kings come upon you, O Persian men.

14.19. For if in the present case you do not play the man worthily of the valour of the Persians, a punishment not glorious will surround you."

14.20. Thus having exhorted them, the mirranes led his army against the enemy. And Belisarius and Hermogenes, having gathered all the Romans before the wall, exhorted them as follows:

14.21. "That the Persians are not altogether invincible, nor mightier than you know how to die, you surely know, judging from the former battle; but that, surpassing them in courage and bodily strength, you are worsted in this alone, in being more disobedient to your commanders,

14.22. no one would deny. This you can correct with no trouble. For the adversities of fortune cannot by zeal at all be corrected, but resolve might easily become for a man a healer of his own evils;

14.23. so that, if you are willing to hearken to what is enjoined, at once you will fasten on the mastery of the war. For these men come against us trusting in nothing else than our disorder.

14.24. But being now too deceived of such a hope, they will depart in like manner to the previous engagement. And as for the multitude of the enemy, by which most of all they seek to terrify you,

14.25. it is worthy of your contempt. For all their foot are nothing else than a throng of wretched country folk, who come into the line for no other purpose than to dig through walls and strip the dead and serve the soldiers in all else.

14.26. Therefore weapons with which they might trouble their adversaries they by no means have, but they hold before them shields of such size only that they themselves may be least struck by the enemy.

14.27. Therefore, becoming brave men in this danger, you will not only conquer the Persians at present, but also chastise them for their folly, so that they may never again make an expedition into the land of the Romans."

14.28. When Belisarius and Hermogenes had made this exhortation, since they saw the Persians going along the road against them, they quickly arrayed the soldiers in the former manner.

14.29. And the barbarians, coming up to them, stood in line. The mirranes, however, did not set all the Persians facing the enemy, but the half, and allowed the others to remain behind.

14.30. These, awaiting the combatants, were going to fall fresh upon the adversaries, so that always, by rotation, all might fight.

14.31. Only the company of the so-called Immortals he ordered to remain quiet, until he himself should give the signal.

14.32. And he himself, drawn up at the centre of the front, set Pityaxes over those on the right, and Baresmanas over those on the left wing. Thus both sides were arrayed. And Pharas, standing beside Belisarius and Hermogenes, said,

14.33. "I do not think that by remaining here with the Heruls I shall do the enemy any great harm; but if, hiding in this depression, then, when the Persians are in the thick of the work, we go up over this hill and suddenly come upon their rear, shooting from behind, we shall, as is likely, work irreparable harm upon them." Thus he spoke, and when it pleased those under Belisarius, he did accordingly.

14.34. Until midday neither side began the battle. But as soon as noon was past, the barbarians set to work, having for this reason deferred the engagement to this hour of the day, because they themselves are wont to take food only toward late afternoon, while the Romans take it before noon, so that they thought they would never hold out alike, if they should attack them hungry.

14.35. At first, then, both sides used arrows against each other, and the missiles by their multitude made a sort of cloud over a great extent, and from both many fell, but far more thickly were the arrows of the barbarians borne.

14.36. For by rotation they always fought fresh, affording the enemy least perception of what was being done; not, however, even so did the Romans have the worse. For a wind, falling favourably from their side upon the barbarians, did not let their missiles work very well.

14.37. But when all the arrows of both sides had now failed, they used their spears against each other, and the battle became still more at close quarters. And the left wing of the Romans was especially distressed.

14.38. For the Cadiseni, who fought there with Pityaxes, having come up in great numbers, suddenly routed the enemy and, pressing hard on them as they fled, killed many.

14.39. When those under Sunicas and Aïgan saw this, they went against them at a great run. And first the three hundred Heruls under Pharas, coming from the height upon the rear of the enemy, performed marvellous deeds both against the rest and against the Cadiseni.

14.40. And these, when they saw those under Sunicas already coming up aslant against them, rushed to flight.

14.41. The rout becoming brilliant, when the Romans there joined with one another, a great slaughter of the barbarians took place.

14.42. And of them on the right wing not fewer than three thousand died in this toil, while the rest, hardly fleeing to the phalanx, were saved.

14.43. And the Romans no longer pursued, but both sides stood in their line facing one another. So these things were carried on here.

14.44. But the mirranes secretly sent many others and all the so-called Immortals to the left part. When Belisarius and Hermogenes perceived these, they bade the six hundred under Sunicas and Aïgan go to the angle on the right, where those under Simmas and Ascan stood, and behind them they set many of those who followed Belisarius.

14.45. The Persians, then, who held the left wing, Baresmanas leading them with the Immortals, charged at a run against the Romans opposite them. And these, not withstanding the onset, rushed to flight.

14.46. Then the Romans in the angle and as many as were behind them went with great eagerness against the pursuers.

14.47. And going aslant the barbarians, they divided their army in two, and held the most of them on the right, but some, left behind, they made to be on the left. Among these it happened that the bearer of the standard of Baresmanas was, whom Sunicas, coming up, smites with his spear.

14.48. And now the Persians in the foremost ranks of the pursuers, perceiving the evil they were in, turned their backs and, stopping the pursuit, went against them, and from this they became caught between the enemy.

14.49. For perceiving what was being done, those who had fled turned back again. And the other Persians and the company of the Immortals, seeing the standard inclined and let down to the ground, rushed with Baresmanas against the Romans there.

14.50. And the Romans met them. And Sunicas first killed Baresmanas and threw him from his horse to the ground. And from this the barbarians, falling into great fear, no longer remembered defence, but, held by much disorder, fled.

14.51. And the Romans, making a certain encircling movement, killed about five thousand of them. So both armies were altogether set in motion, the Persians to retreat, the Romans to pursuit.

14.52. In this toil all the foot in the Persian army, throwing away their shields and being overtaken, were killed in no order by the enemy. The pursuit of the Romans, however, was for a short space.

14.53. For Belisarius and Hermogenes by no means allowed them to go further, fearing lest by some necessity the Persians, turning about, might rout them as they pursued without any order, and it seemed to them sufficient to preserve the victory unbroken.

14.54. For after a long time the Persians were that day defeated in that battle by the Romans. Thus the two sides parted from one another.

14.55. And the Persians no longer wished to carry on an open battle against the Romans. There were, however, on both sides certain raiding inroads, in which the Romans had no less the advantage. So the armies in Mesopotamia fared thus.

15.1. Cabades sent another army against Armenia, which is subject to the Romans. This army was of Persarmenians and Sunitae, who are neighbours to the Alani. And three thousand Huns, called Sabiri, were with them, a most warlike nation.

15.2. As general, Mermeroes, a Persian man, was set over all. And these, when they were three days' journey distant from Theodosiopolis, encamped and remained in the country of the Persarmenians and prepared the matters concerning the invasion.

15.3. The general of Armenia happened to be Dorotheus, a man intelligent and experienced in many wars. And Sittas held the office of General in Byzantium, but was set over the whole army in Armenia.

15.4. These, learning that an army of the enemy was gathering in Persarmenia, at once sent two bodyguards to spy out and report to them the whole force of the enemy.

15.5. Both came into the camp of the barbarians and, having observed everything exactly, were departing.

15.6. And as they went along the road into one of the places there, they fell in unexpectedly with hostile Huns. By these one of them, Dagaris by name, was bound and taken captive, but the other was able to flee and reported the whole matter to the generals.

15.7. And they, arming the whole army, suddenly came upon the camp of the enemy.

15.8. And the barbarians, struck with consternation at the unexpectedness, no longer looked to defence, but fled each as best he could. There the Romans, killing many and plundering the camp, at once rode back.

15.9. And Mermeroes, gathering his whole army, not long after invaded the land of the Romans, and they came upon the enemy near the city of Satala. There, encamping at a place called Octave, they remained quiet, which is distant from the city fifty-six stades.

15.10. Sittas, then, taking with him a thousand men, hid behind one of the hills, of which many encircle the city of Satala, lying in a plain.

15.11. And Dorotheus with the rest of the army he bade remain within the wall, since they thought they could by no means withstand the enemy in the open, being not fewer than thirty thousand, while they themselves scarcely came to half.

15.12. On the following day the barbarians, coming very near the wall, were eager to make a certain encircling of it. But suddenly perceiving those under Sittas already coming down from the height against them, and being by no means able to measure their number, since much dust lay heavy in the summer season, they thought them far more numerous, and abandoning the encircling at once, hastened to draw themselves together into some small space.

15.13. But the Romans, anticipating them and dividing themselves into two bands, fell upon them as they withdrew from the wall. When the whole Roman army saw this, they took courage and at a great run, streaming out from the wall, went against the adversaries.

15.14. And setting them in the middle, they turned them to flight. By their multitude, however, as has been said, the barbarians, surpassing the enemy, still held out, and the battle became fierce and at close quarters.

15.15. And each side made quick-turning pursuits against the other, since all were horsemen. There Florentius the Thracian, commander of a cavalry squadron, charging into the middle of the enemy and seizing their general's standard and inclining it as much as possible, rode back.

15.16. And he himself, being overtaken and cut to pieces, fell there, but he became the foremost cause of the victory for the Romans. For when the barbarians no longer saw the standard, falling into much disorder and dread, they withdrew and, coming into their camp, remained quiet,

15.17. having lost many in the battle. And on the next day all withdrew homeward, no one pursuing them, since it seemed a great thing and worthy of much account to the Roman army that barbarians so great in number should in their own country have suffered what I have just related, and, having broken into hostile country, should depart unsuccessful and thus worsted by the fewer.

15.18. Then too the Romans got Persian places in Persarmenia, both the fortress of Bolon and the so-called Pharangium, from which the Persians, digging out gold, bring it to the king.

15.19. And it chanced that a little before they had subdued the Tzanic nation, who from of old dwelt independent in the land of the Romans; how this was done shall at once be told.

15.20. To one going from the regions of Armenia into Persarmenia, on the right is the Taurus, reaching to Iberia and the nations there, as I have said a little before; on the left the road becomes ever more downward for a great distance, and mountains hang exceedingly precipitous, covered with clouds and snows through all time,

15.21. whence, issuing forth, the river Phasis is borne to the land of Colchis. Here from the beginning barbarians, the Tzanic nation, dwelt subject to no one, called Sani in former times, using robbery against the Romans round about them, and having an exceedingly hard way of life, and ever living on their plunder; for the land bore them nothing good for food.

15.22. Therefore the Emperor of the Romans sent them a fixed sum of gold every year, on condition that they should never plunder the country there.

15.23. But they, swearing the oaths customary among them about these things, and holding what they had sworn of no account, falling unexpectedly upon them, for the most part did mischief not only to the Armenians, but also to the Romans adjoining them as far as the sea, and in a short time, having made their inroad, at once carried themselves off home.

15.24. And if they happened to fall in with a Roman army, they were defeated in battle, but were by no means to be captured, by the strength of their places. Sittas, then, having conquered them in battle before this war, and having said and done many things to win them over,

15.25. was able to win them over entirely. For having changed their way of life to the milder, they enrolled themselves in Roman registers, and for the rest go out against the enemy with the rest of the Roman army. And they changed their faith to the more pious, all having become Christians. So the affairs concerning the Tzani fared thus.

15.26. To one who has crossed their borders there is a glen deep and exceedingly precipitous, reaching to the Caucasus mountains. There are very populous places, and the vine and other fruit grow abundantly.

15.27. And for about a three days' journey this glen is tributary to the Romans, but from there on the borders of the Persarmenians take over, where also is the mine of gold, which, Cabades having given it, one of the natives, Symeon by name, administered.

15.28. This Symeon, when he saw both sides at the height of war, resolved to deprive Cabades of the revenue of the money.

15.29. Therefore, giving over both himself and the Pharangium to the Romans, he thought fit to bring the gold from the mine to neither side.

15.30. For the Romans did nothing, thinking it enough for themselves that the revenue from there had been lost to the enemy; and the Persians were unable, against the will of the Romans, to constrain those dwelling there, the difficult ground standing against them.

15.31. About the same time Narses and Aratius, who at the beginning of this war came to blows with Belisarius and Sittas in the country of the Persarmenians, as has been shown before, came as deserters with their mother to the Romans, and Narses the emperor's treasurer received them (for he too happened to be by race a Persarmenian) and gifted them with great sums of money.

15.32. When Isaaces, the youngest of their brothers, learned this, coming secretly to a parley with the Romans, he handed over to them the fortress of Bolon, which is very near the borders of Theodosiopolis.

15.33. For he charged soldiers to hide nearby, whom he received into the fortress by night, secretly opening to them one little gate; and thus he himself also came to Byzantium.

16.1. Thus stood the affairs of the Romans. But the Persians, defeated in battle by Belisarius at Daras, did not even so resolve to withdraw from there, until Rufinus, when he had come into the presence of Cabades, spoke as follows: "Your brother, O King, has sent me, making a just complaint, that the Persians from no cause came in arms into his land.

16.2. And yet it would befit a great king, and one come to so great wisdom, rather to dispense peace out of war than, when affairs are well established, to inflict, against need, a disturbance upon himself and his neighbours.

16.3. With these things I too, being of good hope, have come here, that for the future the goods of peace may be to both." So much Rufinus said.

16.4. And Cabades replies as follows: "O son of Silvanus, by no means try to reverse the charges, knowing best of all that you Romans have been the foremost cause of all the disturbance. For the Caspian Gates we held for the good of both the Persians and the Romans, having constrained the barbarians there, since Anastasius, the Emperor of the Romans, as you yourself also know, when it was possible to buy them with money, was unwilling, lest, having an army there for all time, he should be forced to expend great sums on behalf of both.

16.5. And from that time we, having stationed there an army so great in number, and supporting it down to the present, have granted to you, at least as concerns the barbarians there, to inhabit your country unravaged, holding your own affairs with much freedom from trouble.

16.6. But as though this were not enough for you, you have also made a great city, Daras, as a siege-work against the Persians, although it was expressly forbidden in the treaty which Anatolius made with the Persians; and from this it is necessary for the affairs of the Persians to be afflicted with toils and expense for two armies, the one that the Massagetae may not be able to ravage and carry off the land of both with impunity, the other that we may check your raids.

16.7. About which, when we lately complained and demanded that one of two things be done by you—either that the army to the Caspian Gates be sent by both, or that the city of Daras be dismantled—you would not accept the understanding of what was said, but resolved to strengthen the plot against the Persians with a greater evil, if we remember at all the building at Mindous. And now too for the Romans the goods of peace are to be chosen, or arms are to be chosen—either by setting just things toward us, or by going against them.

16.8. For the Persians will not lay down their arms before the Romans either justly and rightly guard the gates together with them, or dismantle the city of Daras."

16.9. So much having said, Cabades dismissed the envoy, intimating that he was willing both to receive money from the Romans and to put an end to the causes of the war.

16.10. These things Rufinus, coming to Byzantium, reported to the emperor. Not long after, Hermogenes also arrived, and the winter ended, and the fourth year ended of the Emperor Justinian holding the supreme rule.

17.1. As spring was beginning, an army of the Persians, with Azarethes leading them, invaded the land of the Romans. They were fifteen thousand, all horsemen. And with them was Alamoundaras, son of Saccice, having a very great throng of Saracens.

17.2. This invasion of the Persians did not take place as was usual; for they did not invade Mesopotamia as before, but the region called of old Commagene, now Euphratesia, whence the Persians had never before, so far as we know, made an expedition against the Romans.

17.3. And for what reason the country was called Mesopotamia, and why the Persians refrained from the invasion into it, I now go on to relate.

17.4. There is in Armenia a mountain not very precipitous, distant forty-two stades from Theodosiopolis, turned toward the north wind of it. And two springs issue from there, making at once two rivers, the Euphrates on the right, and the other, Tigris by name.

17.5. Of these one, the Tigris, using no circuits, and few waters joining it,

17.6. goes straight down to the city of Amida. And passing it toward the north wind it goes into the land of the Assyrians. But the Euphrates is borne at first to some small space, and going straight on disappears—not, however, becoming underground, but something wonderful befalls it; for above the water a swamp arises, deep for a great extent,

17.7. in length about fifty stades, in breadth twenty; and a great quantity of reeds grows in this mud.

17.8. And so hard is the soil there that to those who come upon it nothing seems other than that it is dry land. So it happens that foot and horse pass over it fearing nothing.

17.9. And indeed many wagons too go across from there each day, but they have no power at all to move anything or to bring the swamp to light.

17.10. And the natives burn the reeds every year, that the roads may not be barred by them, and once, a violent wind falling there, it happened that the fire reached to the very ends of the roots, and the water appeared in a small space;

17.11. but after no long time the soil, growing together again, gave back to the place the shape it had before. From there the river goes on to the country called Celesene, where was the temple of Artemis among the Taurians, whence they say Iphigenia daughter of Agamemnon fled with Orestes and Pylades, bearing the image of Artemis.

17.12. For the other temple, which exists even to my time in the city Comana, is not the one among the Taurians. But how it came to be I shall show.

17.13. When Orestes departed from the Taurians with his sister, it befell him to fall sick in body. And as he inquired about the disease, they say the oracle gave answer that the evil would not abate for him until he should build a temple to Artemis in such a place as the one among the Taurians chanced to be, and there cut off his own hair and call the city by the same name as her.

17.14. Therefore Orestes, going about the places there, came into Pontus, and saw a mountain which hung precipitous there, and below, along the edges of the mountain, flowed the river Iris.

17.15. Orestes, then, supposing that the oracle indicated this place to him, built there a city worthy of account and the temple of Artemis, and cutting off his hair he called the city by the same name as her, which is named Comana even to my time.

17.16. But when these things had been wrought by Orestes, the disease was at its height no less, if not more. And the man, perceiving that he was not doing these things suitably to the oracle, again going about everything, examined and found a place among the Cappadocians most resembling the one among the Taurians.

17.17. Which I too, having often seen, marvelled at exceedingly, and thought I was among the Taurians. For this mountain is simply like that one, since here too is the Taurus, and the river Saros is likened to the Euphrates there.

17.18. There, then, Orestes built a city worth seeing and two temples, the one to Artemis, the other to his sister Iphigenia, which the Christians have made into churches for themselves, changing the building not at all.

17.19. This is called even now the golden Comana, being named after the hair (kome) of Orestes, which they say he cut off there and escaped the malady.

17.20. But some say that he escaped no other disease than that madness which held him after he killed his own mother. But I return to my former narrative.

17.21. From the Taurian region of Armenia and the country of Celesene the river Euphrates, flowing on the right, encompasses much land, and other rivers mingling with it, and the Arsinus itself, which is borne in great volume from the so-called Persarmenians—having become great, as is likely—goes to those called of old the White Syrians, now the lesser Armenians, of whom the first city, Melitene, is worthy of much account.

17.22. From there it flows past Samosata and Hierapolis and all the places there as far as the land of the Assyrians, where both rivers, mingling with one another, are distinguished under the name of the Tigris.

17.23. The country, then, which is outside the Euphrates river from Samosata, was of old called Commagene, but now is named after the river. And that within it, which is the middle between it and the Tigris, is called Mesopotamia, as is likely; a portion of it, however, is called not by this name only, but also by certain others.

17.24. For the part as far as the city of Amida is by some called Armenia, and Edessa with the places about it is called Osroene after Osroes, a man who reigned there in former times, when the people there were in treaty with the Persians.

17.25. The Persians, then, when they had taken from the Romans the city of Nisibis and certain other places of Mesopotamia, whenever they were going to make an expedition against the Romans, holding in little account the country outside the Euphrates river, since it is for the most part waterless and empty of men, and gathering there with no trouble, since they were in their own country and very near the inhabited part of the enemy's land, from there they always made their invasions.

17.26. When the mirranes, defeated in battle and having lost most of his men, came with the rest of the army to the country of the Persians, he received a bitter punishment from King Cabades.

17.27. For he took from him the ornament which he was wont to bind upon the hair of his head, made of gold and pearls. This is a great dignity among the Persians, second only to the honour of the king.

17.28. For there it is not lawful to use either golden ring or belt or brooch or anything else, except for one deemed worthy by the king.

17.29. And for the rest Cabades took counsel in what way he himself might make an expedition against the Romans. For since the mirranes had failed as has been said, he had no confidence in any other.

17.30. And as he was at a great loss, Alamoundaras, King of the Saracens, came to him and said: "Not in all things, O master, ought one to trust to fortune, nor to think that one must succeed in all wars. For this is not even likely, nor otherwise human, but this thought is most inexpedient to those who hold it.

17.31. For those who have hoped that all good things will be theirs, having failed at some time, should it so chance, hope, having reckoned things otherwise than is fitting, has grieved beyond what was proper.

17.32. Therefore men, not having always confidence in fortune, do not enter openly into the danger of war, even though they boast that they wholly surpass the enemy, but are eager to outwit their adversaries by deceit and certain devices.

17.33. For to those who have danger on equal terms the matters of victory do not proceed in security. Now then, O King of Kings, neither be so grieved at the misfortunes of the mirranes, nor wish again to make trial of fortune.

17.34. For of Mesopotamia and the country called Osroene, as being very near your borders, the cities are most strong of all, and they now have such a multitude of soldiers as never before, so that for us, going there, the matters of the contest will not be in safety; but in the country which is outside the Euphrates river, and in Syria which adjoins it, there is neither a strong city nor an army worth mentioning.

17.35. For these things I have often heard from the Saracens sent there on reconnaissance.

17.36. There, they say, is the city of Antioch, first of all the cities in the East of the Romans in wealth and size and population; which is unguarded and empty of soldiers.

17.37. For its people care for nothing else than festivals and luxury and their perpetual rivalry with one another in the theatres.

17.38. So that if we go against them unexpectedly, it is not at all unlikely that we shall take the city in a raid, and, having met no army of the enemy, then return to the country of the Persians, the soldiers in Mesopotamia not yet having learned what has befallen.

17.39. And let no anxiety about the want of water or any other of the necessaries come upon you; for I will lead the army wherever it seems best."

17.40. Hearing this, Cabades had no power either to gainsay or to disbelieve. For Alamoundaras was most intelligent and well versed in the experience of war, most faithful to the Persians and exceedingly effective, who for the space of fifty years brought the affairs of the Romans to their knees.

17.41. For beginning from the borders of Egypt and as far as Mesopotamia plundering the places there, he led and carried off all in succession, burning the buildings in his path and enslaving the people always by many myriads, and killing most of them with no account, but selling the others for great sums.

17.42. And no one of all opposed him. For he never made his inroad without consideration, but so suddenly and to his own advantage, that he was already, as a rule, departing with all the booty, while the generals and soldiers were only beginning to learn what had befallen and to gather against him.

17.43. And if anywhere they chanced to overtake him, this barbarian, falling upon the pursuers while they were still unprepared and not drawn up, routed and destroyed them with no trouble, and once took alive the pursuing soldiers together with their commanders.

17.44. These were Timostratus, the brother of Rufinus, and John the son of Lucas, whom he afterward sold, gaining for himself no mean or ordinary wealth.

17.45. And in a word this man became most hard and most terrible an enemy to the Romans, beyond all others. The cause was that Alamoundaras, holding the dignity of king, alone of all the Saracens among the Persians had command, and was able with his whole army always to make his inroad wherever he wished of the Roman realm.

17.46. But no commander of the Roman soldiers, whom they call dukes, nor any leader of the Saracens in treaty with the Romans, who are called phylarchs, was able with his followers sufficiently to draw up against Alamoundaras; for in each country they were stationed not a match for the enemy.

17.47. Therefore the Emperor Justinian set Arethas the son of Gabalas over as many tribes as possible, who ruled the Saracens in Arabia, investing him with the dignity of king, a thing that had never before happened among the Romans.

17.48. Alamoundaras, however, no less, if not more, ruined the affairs of the Romans, since Arethas, in every inroad and contest, either fared most ill or turned traitor most quickly. For we do not yet know anything clearly about him. And in this way it befell that Alamoundaras, with no one opposing him, plundered all the East for a very long time, since he was simply most long-lived.

18.1. Pleased then at the time with this man's counsel, Cabades, choosing out fifteen thousand men, set over them Azarethes, a Persian man, exceedingly valiant in war, and ordered Alamoundaras to lead the way of the march for them.

18.2. And they, crossing the Euphrates river into Assyria, and having traversed a certain country empty of men, suddenly and unexpectedly invaded the country called of the Commageni.

18.3. And this was the first invasion of the Persians from there into the land of the Romans, so far as we know either by report or in any other way, and it struck all the Romans with consternation by its unexpectedness.

18.4. When Belisarius learned this, at first he was at a loss, but afterward resolved to bring help quickly. And setting a sufficient garrison in each city, so that Cabades and another army of the enemy, going there, should by no means find the places in Mesopotamia unguarded, he himself with the rest of the army went to meet them, and crossing the Euphrates river they advanced with much haste.

18.5. The Roman army came together to about twenty thousand foot and horse, and of them the Isaurians were not fewer than two thousand.

18.6. The commanders of the horse were all those who before had carried through the battle at Daras against the Persians and the mirranes, and of the foot one of the bodyguards of the Emperor Justinian, Peter by name.

18.7. Over the Isaurians Longinus and Stephanacius were set. There Arethas too came to them with the army of the Saracens.

18.8. And when they had come to the city of Chalcis, they encamped and remained there, since they learned that the enemy were at a place called Gabboulon, distant one hundred and ten stades from Chalcis.

18.9. When Alamoundaras and Azarethes learned this, dreading the danger, they no longer advanced, but resolved to withdraw homeward at once. They themselves, then, keeping the Euphrates river on the left, rode back, and the Roman army followed behind.

18.10. And in the place where the barbarians bivouacked each night, the Romans always remained on the night following.

18.11. For Belisarius on purpose by no means allowed the army to travel a longer road, since it was not his wish to come to blows with the enemy, but he thought it sufficient for them that the Persians and Alamoundaras, having invaded the land of the Romans, then having thus withdrawn from it,

18.12. should make their way home unsuccessful. Therefore all secretly reviled him, both commanders and soldiers, yet no one reproached him to his face.

18.13. Finally the Persians bivouacked on the bank of the Euphrates, which is opposite the city of Callinicum. For from there they were going to march through a country inhabited by no men, and thus to depart from the land of the Romans.

18.14. For they no longer purposed to go as before, holding to the bank of the river. The Romans, having passed the night in the city of Sura and rising from there, came upon the enemy already packing up for the departure.

18.15. Now the festival of Easter was at hand, due on the day next following, which the Christians revere most of all, and on the day before it, abstaining from food and drink, they are accustomed not only to pass the whole day, but also to go far on into the nights fasting.

18.16. Then, therefore, Belisarius, seeing all eager against the enemy, and wishing to draw them off from this resolve (for Hermogenes, just come from the emperor on an embassy, was of the same mind), having called together all who were present, spoke as follows: "Whither are you carried,

18.17. men of Romans, or what has befallen you that you take counsel to choose a danger not necessary for yourselves? Men think the one unalloyed victory is to suffer nothing dreadful at the hands of the enemy, which in the present case both fortune and our enemies' fear of us have given us.

18.18. Therefore it is better to enjoy the present goods than, having let them pass, to seek them. For the Persians, led by many hopes, made an expedition against the Romans, but now, having fallen short of all, have rushed to flight.

18.19. So that if we compel them unwillingly to change their purpose of retreat, and to come to blows with us, having conquered we shall gain nothing more at all.

18.20. For why should one turn back him who is already fleeing? But if we fail, perhaps we shall be deprived of the victory we have, not having had it taken away by the enemy, but having ourselves thrown it away; and we shall for the future give over the emperor's land to lie exposed to the enemy without defenders.

18.21. And yet it is worth your while to consider this also, that God is wont always to help men in necessary, not in self-chosen, dangers.

18.22. And apart from this, for those who have nowhere to turn, it will come about that they play the man even unwilling; but for us many obstacles to the engagement happen to be present;

18.23. for many of us have come going on foot, and all of us happen to be fasting. I forbear to say that some are not even now present." So much Belisarius said.

18.24. But the army insulted him not in any silence nor in a corner, but coming into his presence with shouting they called him soft and a destroyer of their zeal; and in this some even of the commanders erred together with the soldiers, in this way displaying their daring.

18.25. And Belisarius, struck with consternation at their shamelessness, reversing his exhortation, seemed now to be urging them on against the enemy and arranging them into line, and said that he had not known their zeal for fighting before, but now took courage and with the better hope went against the enemy.

18.26. And making the phalanx front-ways, he arrayed it as follows. On the left wing, by the river, he set all the foot; and on the right, where the ground was steep, Arethas and all the Saracens with him; and he himself with the horsemen stood at the centre. Thus the Romans were arrayed.

18.27. And Azarethes, when he saw the enemy coming together into line, exhorted as follows: "That you, being Persians, would not exchange the virtue of life, if anyone gave the choice of the two, no one would deny.

18.28. But I say that not even if you wished would it be in your power to make the choice of these two. For those to whom it is possible, escaping the danger, to live with dishonour, there is nothing unlikely, if they wish, that they should choose pleasantest things in place of the best; but those to whom it is necessary to die, either gloriously at the hands of the enemy, or being shamefully led to punishment by the master, it is great folly not to choose the better in place of the most shameful.

18.29. Since, then, these things are so, it befits all of you, I think, having in mind not the enemy only, but also your own master, thus to go into this battle."

18.30. So much also Azarethes having exhorted, he set the phalanx facing the enemy, the Persians holding the right, the Saracens the left. And at once both sides came to blows.

18.31. And the battle was most fierce. For the arrows, shot thick from both sides for a great extent, made much slaughter on both, and some, getting into the space between, displayed deeds worthy of valour against one another; but rather did many of the Persians die from the arrows.

18.32. For their missiles were simply far more frequent, since the Persians are nearly all archers and are taught to make their shots much more quickly than all other men;

18.33. but being shot from bows soft and not very tight-strung, falling upon a corselet perhaps or helmet or shield of a Roman man, they were broken off and could in no way harm him whom they struck.

18.34. But the missiles of the Romans are ever slower; yet being shot from bows exceedingly hard and terribly tight-strung, and one might add from stronger men, they injure far more easily than the Persians whomever they strike, no armour being able to stand in the way of their rush.

18.35. Already, then, two portions of the day had passed, and the battle was still even. But then, those of the Persian army who were the best, taking counsel together, drove against the right wing of the enemy, where Arethas and the Saracens were drawn up.

18.36. And these, thus breaking the phalanx, became divided in two, so that they even bore away the repute of having betrayed the Romans' cause to the Persians. For not withstanding the assailants, they at once all rushed to flight.

18.37. The Persians, then, having thus broken through the line of their adversaries, came straightway upon the rear of the Roman horse. But the Romans, already wearied both by the road and by the toil of the battle, and being all fasting up to this hour of the day, and being harassed by the enemy on both sides, no longer held out, but most of them, fleeing at full force, made for the islands of the river, which were very near, while some, even remaining where they were, performed marvellous deeds worthy of much account against the enemy.

18.38. Among these was Ascan too, who, having killed many of the men of note among the Persians, and being cut to pieces little by little, hardly fell, leaving great repute of himself to the enemy. And with him eight hundred others, having proved brave men, died in this toil, and the Isaurians together with their commanders nearly all, not having even dared to lift their arms against the enemy.

18.39. For they were held by much inexperience of this work, since they had just left their farming and entered the danger of war,

18.40. unknown to them before. And yet these very men, lately raging for battle through ignorance of war, then reproached Belisarius with cowardice. They were not, however, all Isaurians, but the most were Lycaonians.

18.41. Belisarius, remaining there with a few, so long as he saw those under Ascan holding out, himself too with those present defended himself against the enemy;

18.42. but when of them some fell, and others rushed to flight where they could, then he too with his followers, fleeing, came to the phalanx of the foot, who with Peter were still fighting, being not many, since most of these too had chanced to flee.

18.43. There he let his horse go and bade all his followers do the same, and on foot together with the rest defend themselves against the assailants.

18.44. And those of the Persians who followed the fugitives, having made the pursuit for a short space, at once returned, and went against the foot and Belisarius with all the rest. And they, turning their backs to the river, that no encircling might come upon them from the enemy, from the present situation defended themselves against the assailants.

18.45. And again the battle became fierce, although not on equal terms of strength. For the foot, and very few of them, fought against the whole Persian horse. Yet the enemy could neither rout them nor otherwise force them.

18.46. For ever drawing close to one another into a small space, and most strongly fencing themselves with their shields, they shot at the Persians more conveniently than they themselves were shot at by them.

18.47. And often the barbarians, despairing, drove against them, as though to throw into confusion and break up the line, but unsuccessful they rode back again from there.

18.48. For their horses, distressed by the clatter of the shields, reared up and were thrown into confusion together with their riders. And thus both sides held on until it was late in the day.

18.49. And when night had now come on, the Persians withdrew to their camp, and Belisarius, finding a merchant vessel, with a few crossed to the island of the river, where the rest of the Romans too came, swimming.

18.50. On the next day the Romans, many merchant vessels coming to them from the city of Callinicum, were conveyed into it, but the Persians, having stripped the dead, all withdrew homeward. They did not, however, find their own dead fewer than the enemy's.

18.51. And Azarethes, when he came with the army to the Persians, although he had had good fortune in the battle, met with an exceedingly ungrateful Cabades, for the following cause.

18.52. It is a law among the Persians that, whenever they are about to make an expedition against any of the enemy, the king sits upon the royal throne, and many baskets are there somewhere, and the general who is reckoned likely to lead the army against the adversaries is present, and this army passes before the king's sight man by man, and each of them throws one missile into the baskets; after which these, sealed with the king's seal, are guarded, and whenever this army returns to the Persians, each of the soldiers takes one missile from the baskets.

18.53. Then, counting how many of the missiles have not been taken up by the men, those on whom this office is laid announce to the king the number of soldiers who have not returned, and in this way it becomes manifest how many have died in the war.

18.54. Such, then, is the law among the Persians from of old. And when Azarethes came into the king's sight, Cabades asked him whether he came having gained for him any Roman place, since he had made the expedition against the Romans with Alamoundaras to subdue Antioch. And Azarethes said that he had taken no place, but that he had conquered the Romans and Belisarius in battle.

18.55. Cabades, then, bade the army with Azarethes pass before him, and each took up a missile from the baskets, as was the custom.

18.56. And many missiles being left behind, the king reproached Azarethes with the victory and for the rest held him among the most dishonoured. So the matter of the victory came to this for Azarethes.

19.1. At that time it came into the mind of the Emperor Justinian to make allies of the Ethiopians and the Homerites against the Persians. But where in the earth these peoples dwell, and how the emperor hoped they would profit the Romans, I now go on to relate.

19.2. The borders of Palestine toward the rising sun reach to the sea called Red.

19.3. This sea, beginning from the Indians, ends here at the Roman realm. And there is a city called Aila by its shore, where the sea, as I have said, coming to an end, becomes a very narrow strait. And to one sailing in from there, on the right are the mountains of the Egyptians, turned toward the south wind; on the other side a country empty of men reaches for a great extent toward the north wind, and this land becomes visible to the one sailing in on both sides, as far as the island called Iotabe, distant from the city of Aila not less than a thousand stades.

19.4. There Hebrews dwelt independent from of old, but under this Justinian's reign they have become subject to the Romans.

19.5. From there a great open sea receives one. And those sailing in there no longer see the land on the right, but on the left, night always coming on, they put in to anchor.

19.6. For it is impossible to sail in the dark on this sea, since it happens to be full of shoals for a great extent.

19.7. There are many anchorages there, made not by men's hands, but by the nature of the places, and from this it is not difficult for those sailing to put in wherever they chance. To one who has crossed the borders of Palestine, this shore is straightway held by the Saracens,

19.8. who from of old are settled in the Palm-grove.

19.9. The Palm-grove is in the interior, stretching over a great country, where nothing at all else grows except palms alone.

19.10. This Palm-grove Abocharabos, the ruler of the Saracens there, gave to the Emperor Justinian, and the emperor set him as phylarch over the Saracens in Palestine.

19.11. And he guarded the country unravaged throughout the whole time, since Abocharabos seemed ever terrible both to the barbarians subject to him and no less to the enemy, and was exceedingly effective.

19.12. In word, then, the emperor holds the Palm-grove, but to have any share of the places there is in no way possible for him.

19.13. For a country wholly empty of men and simply waterless lies in the midst, reaching to a ten days' journey, and the Palm-grove itself is in no way worth anything; rather, Abocharabos gave only the name of a gift, and the emperor, knowing this well, received it. So the matter of the Palm-grove stands thus.

19.14. Other Saracens, neighbours of these men, hold the coast, who are called Maddeni, being subject to the Homerites.

19.15. These Homerites dwell in the country beyond, by the shore of the sea. And beyond them many other nations are said to be settled, as far as the man-eating Saracens.

19.16. After whom are the races of the Indians. But about these let each tell as he pleases.

19.17. Opposite the Homerites, very nearly, on the mainland over against them, dwell the Ethiopians, who are called Auxomites, because their royal seat is in the city of Auxomis.

19.18. And the sea that is between, when a moderately favouring wind falls upon it, reaches to a passage of five days and nights.

19.19. For there they are accustomed to sail even by night, since there is no shoal anywhere there; this sea is by some called Red. For the part outside it, to one sailing out as far as the shore and the city of Aila, is named the Arabian Gulf.

19.20. For the country from there as far as the borders of the city of Gaza was called Arabia of old, since in former times the king of the Arabs had his royal seat in the city of Petrae.

19.21. The harbour of the Homerites, from which they are wont, setting out, to sail to the Ethiopians, is named Boulicas.

19.22. And having crossed this open sea, they always put in at the harbour of the Adulitae. Adulis the city is distant from the harbour a measure of twenty stades (for by so much it is cut off from being on the sea), but from the city of Auxomis a journey of twelve days.

19.23. The ships, however, that are among the Indians and on this sea are not made in the same fashion as other ships. For they neither use pitch nor anything else, nor indeed are the planks fastened together to one another with iron going through, but they are bound together with certain cords.

19.24. The cause is not what most suppose, that there are certain rocks there that draw the iron to themselves (the proof: for to the ships of the Romans sailing from Aila into this sea, although fitted with much iron, it never befell to suffer any such thing), but that the Indians and Ethiopians have neither iron nor any other of the things suitable for this.

19.25. Nor indeed are they able to buy any of these from the Romans, it being expressly forbidden by law to all.

19.26. For death is the penalty for one who is caught. So the matter concerning the so-called Red Sea, and the country which is on either side of it, stands thus.

19.27. From the city of Auxomis to the borders of the Roman realm at Egypt, where the city called Elephantine is inhabited, is a journey of thirty days for an unencumbered man.

19.28. There many other nations are settled, and the Blemyes and the Nobatae, very populous races. But the Blemyes dwell in the middle of this country, and the Nobatae hold the parts about the river Nile. Formerly these were not the limits of the Roman realm, but beyond by about seven other days' journey;

19.29. but when the Emperor of the Romans Diocletian, coming there, perceived that the tribute of the places there was of no account, since the land happens to be very narrow there (for rocks not far from the Nile, rising exceedingly high, hold the rest of the country), and that a very great multitude of soldiers had been settled there from of old, with whose expenses the treasury was burdened beyond measure, and at the same time the Nobatae, settled about the city of Oasis, formerly used to lead and carry off all the places there for ever, he persuaded these barbarians to rise from their own homes and settle about the river Nile, agreeing to gift them with great cities and a country much and exceedingly better than that they had inhabited before.

19.30. For thus he thought both that they themselves would no longer trouble the places about the Oasis, and that, holding to the land given them as their own, they would, as was likely, repel both the Blemyes and the other barbarians.

19.31. And since these things pleased the Nobatae, they made the migration at once, just as Diocletian charged them, and they held both the cities of the Romans and all the country on either side of the river from the city of Elephantine.

19.32. Then this emperor appointed that there be given them and the Blemyes every year a fixed sum of gold, on condition that they should no longer plunder the land of the Romans.

19.33. Which, although they receive it even to my time, they none the less overrun the places there. So no device can preserve the faith toward the Romans for all barbarians, except the fear of soldiers defending.

19.34. And yet, finding also an island in the Nile river very near the city of Elephantine, this emperor built there a most strong fortress, and established certain common temples and altars there for the Romans and for these barbarians, and set priests of each in this fortress, thinking that their friendship would be secure by their sharing in the rites together.

19.35. Therefore he named the place Philae. And both these nations, the Blemyes and the Nobatae, worship all the other gods which the Greeks hold, and reverence Isis and Osiris, and not least Priapus.

19.36. The Blemyes, however, are accustomed even to sacrifice men to the sun. These temples in Philae these barbarians held even to my time, but the Emperor Justinian resolved to pull them down.

19.37. Narses, then, a Persarmenian by race, whom I mentioned before as having deserted to the Romans, being commander of the soldiers there, pulled down the temples at the emperor's bidding, and kept the priests in custody, and sent the images to Byzantium. But I return to my former narrative.

20.1. About the time of this war Hellestheaeus, the King of the Ethiopians, being a Christian and exceedingly zealous for this faith, when he learned that of the Homerites on the mainland over against him many were Jews, and many worshipped the ancient faith which men nowadays call Greek, and were using a measureless plotting against the Christians there, gathering a fleet of ships and an army went against them, and conquering in battle killed both the king and many of the Homerites, and having set up another Christian king there, a Homerite by race, named Esimiphaeus, and appointed him to bring tribute to the Ethiopians every year, withdrew homeward.

20.2. Of this Ethiopian army many slaves and as many as were suited to wickedness by no means wished to follow the king, but stayed behind there out of desire for the country of the Homerites; for it is exceedingly good.

20.3. This people not long after, with certain others, rose against King Esimiphaeus, and shut him up in one of the fortresses there, and set up another king for the Homerites,

20.4. Abramus by name. This Abramus was a Christian, but a slave of a Roman man who in the city of the Ethiopians, Adulis, occupied himself with the trade by sea.

20.5. When Hellestheaeus learned this, being eager to punish Abramus together with those who had risen with him for their injustice toward Esimiphaeus, he sent against them an army of three thousand men and one of his own kinsmen as commander.

20.6. This army, no longer willing to return home but to remain there in a good country, came secretly, without the commander's knowledge, to a parley with Abramus, and when they had come into the engagement with the adversaries, as soon as they were in the work, killing the commander they mingled with the army of the enemy and remained there.

20.7. Hellestheaeus, held by much anger, sent another army against them, who, coming to blows with those under Abramus and being far worsted in the battle, at once withdrew homeward. And for the rest the King of the Ethiopians, fearing, no longer made an expedition against Abramus.

20.8. And on the death of Hellestheaeus, Abramus agreed to pay tribute to him who received the kingship of the Ethiopians after him, and thus secured his rule. But these things took place at a later time.

20.9. At that time the Emperor Justinian, while Hellestheaeus reigned among the Ethiopians and Esimiphaeus among the Homerites, sent an envoy Julian, asking that both, through their oneness of faith, should join with the Romans in their war against the Persians, in order that the Ethiopians, buying the silk from the Indians and selling it to the Romans, should themselves become masters of great wealth, while they would make the Romans gain only this, that they would no longer be compelled to transfer their own money to the enemy (this is the silk from which they are wont to make the garment which the Greeks of old called Median, but now name Seric), and that the Homerites should set up Caïsus the fugitive as phylarch over the Maddeni, and with a great army both of the Homerites themselves and of the Saracens of the Maddeni invade the land of the Persians.

20.10. (This Caïsus was of the phylarchic race and exceedingly valiant in war, but having killed one of the kinsmen of Esimiphaeus he had fled to the land which is

20.11. altogether empty of men.) Each of them, then, promising to fulfil the request, dismissed the envoy, but neither did what had been agreed.

20.12. For it was impossible for the Ethiopians to buy the silk from the Indians, since the Persian merchants, ever being present at the very harbours where the Indian ships first put in, since they dwell in the adjoining country, are wont to buy up all the cargoes; and to the Homerites it seemed difficult, traversing a country empty and reaching a journey of much time, to go against men far more warlike.

20.13. And Abramus later too, when he had most securely strengthened his rule, often promised the Emperor Justinian to invade the land of Persia, but only once began the march, and at once withdrew back. So the affairs of the Ethiopians and the Homerites turned out thus for the Romans.

21.1. Hermogenes then, as soon as the battle by the Euphrates had taken place, coming to Cabades on an embassy, accomplished nothing concerning the peace for which he came, since he found him still swelling against the Romans; therefore he withdrew unsuccessful.

21.2. And Belisarius came to the emperor at Byzantium, summoned, stripped of the office he held, in order that he might make an expedition against the Vandals.

21.3. And Sittas, this having been resolved by the Emperor Justinian, came there to guard the East.

21.4. And the Persians again invaded Mesopotamia with a great army, the chanaranges and Aspebedes and Mermeroes leading them.

21.5. And since no one dared to come to blows with them, settling down before Martyropolis they besieged it, where Bouzes and Bessas chanced to have been stationed for the guard.

21.6. This lies in the country called Sophanene, distant from the city of Amida two hundred and forty stades toward the north wind; and it is by the Nymphius river, which divides the land of the Romans and the Persians.

21.7. The Persians, then, assaulted the wall, and the besieged at first manfully withstood them, but were reckoned likely not to hold out long.

21.8. For the wall was very assailable for the most part and easily to be taken by a siege of the Persians, and they themselves did not have provisions sufficiently, nor indeed engines nor anything else adequate with which to defend themselves.

21.9. Sittas and the Roman army came to a place Attachas, distant a hundred stades from Martyropolis, but did not dare to go forward; rather, encamping there, they remained.

21.10. And Hermogenes was with them, having again come on an embassy from Byzantium. At this point it befell that the following thing happened.

21.11. From of old it has been a custom among both the Romans and the Persians to maintain spies at public expense, who are wont to go secretly among the enemy, in order that, having scanned exactly what is being done, then returning they may report it to their rulers.

21.12. Of these many, as is likely, are eager to use goodwill toward their own people, but some even betray their secrets to the adversaries.

21.13. At that time, then, a certain spy sent from the Persians to the Romans, coming into the presence of the Emperor Justinian, told many other things being done among the barbarians, and that a race of Massagetae, to the Romans' hurt, was about to go very soon to the country of the Persians, and from there, coming into the land of the Romans, was ready to mingle with the Persian army.

21.14. And he, hearing this, having already made trial of the man's truthfulness toward him, gifting him with some ample sums of money, persuaded him to go to the Persian camp which was besieging the Martyropolitans, and to announce to the barbarians there that these Massagetae, persuaded by money by the Emperor of the Romans, were about presently to come against them.

21.15. And he did accordingly, and coming to the camp of the barbarians announced to the chanaranges and the others that an army of hostile Huns would before long come to the Romans.

21.16. And they, when they heard this, were dismayed and at a loss in their present circumstances.

21.17. At this point it befell that Cabades fell grievously sick in body, and calling one of the Persians most intimate with him, Mebodes by name, he conferred with him about Chosroes and the kingship, and said that he feared lest the Persians might be eager to disregard what he had resolved.

21.18. And he thought fit to leave the declaration of his purpose in writing, taking courage that the Persians would never dare to disregard it.

21.19. So Cabades plainly ordained that Chosroes be made king for the Persians. And Mebodes himself wrote the document, and Cabades at once vanished from among men.

21.20. And when all the customary rites had been performed at the burial of the king, Kaoses, trusting in the law, laid claim to the honour, but Mebodes prevented him, saying that no one ought to go to the kingship of his own accord, but by the vote of the men of note among the Persians.

21.21. And he entrusted the decision of the matter to the magistrates, suspecting that thence no obstacle would arise for him.

21.22. But when all the men of note among the Persians, gathered for this, were seated, Mebodes, reading the document, declared the purpose of Cabades concerning Chosroes, and all, remembering the virtue of Cabades, at once proclaimed Chosroes king of the Persians.

21.23. Thus Chosroes obtained the rule. But in Martyropolis Sittas and Hermogenes, fearing for the city—for they had no way to defend it in its peril—sent certain men to the enemy, who, coming into the presence of the generals, spoke as follows:

21.24. "You have, unawares to yourselves, become an obstacle, against need, to the King of the Persians and to the goods of peace and to both states. For envoys sent by the emperor are now present, to the end that, going to the King of the Persians, they may dissolve the differences and make a treaty with him; but rise as quickly as possible from the land of the Romans and allow the envoys to do what is going to profit both sides.

21.25. For we are ready, concerning these very things, to give as hostages men of repute, so that the thing will not long after be brought to effect in deed." So much the envoys of the Romans said.

21.26. And it chanced that a messenger from the palace too came to them, who reported that Cabades had died, and that Chosroes son of Cabades had been set as king for the Persians,

21.27. and that for this reason their affairs were in suspense. And from this the generals gladly heard the words of the Romans, having also feared the inroad of the Huns. The Romans, then, at once gave as hostages Martin and one of the bodyguards of Sittas, Senecius by name; and the Persians, breaking up the siege, made their withdrawal straightway.

21.28. And the Huns not long after, invading the land of the Romans, since they did not find the Persian army there, having made their raid for a short time, all carried themselves off home.

22.1. At once Rufinus and Alexander and Thomas came to act as envoys together with Hermogenes, and all arrived at the Tigris river before the King of the Persians.

22.2. And when Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. And the envoys, taming Chosroes, said many alluring things by no means befitting Roman envoys.

22.3. By these Chosroes, becoming tractable, agreed to make with them an endless peace for a hundred and ten centenaria, on condition that the commander of the soldiers in Mesopotamia should no longer be at Daras for the future, but pass the whole time at Constantina, just as had been the custom of old; the fortresses in Lazica, however, he said he would not give back, though he himself thought it just to recover both Pharangium and the fortress of Bolon from the Romans.

22.4. Now the centenarium weighs a hundred pounds, from which indeed it has its name. For a hundred the Romans call centum.

22.5. He thought fit that this gold be given him, so that the Romans should neither be compelled to dismantle the city of Daras nor share with the Persians the guard-post at the Caspian Gates.

22.6. The envoys, however, praised the rest, but said they were not able to hand over the fortresses, unless they first learned the emperor's mind about them.

22.7. It was resolved, then, that Rufinus should be sent to Byzantium about these things, and the others, until he himself should return, should remain. And a space of seventy days was agreed upon for Rufinus's return.

22.8. And when Rufinus, coming to Byzantium, reported to the emperor what seemed good to Chosroes about the peace, the emperor ordered that the peace be concluded with them accordingly.

22.9. But meanwhile a certain rumour, not true, coming to the country of the Persians, announced that the Emperor Justinian, being angry, had killed Rufinus. At this Chosroes, thrown into confusion and now held by much anger, went against the Romans with his whole army. But Rufinus, returning in the meanwhile, met him not far from the city of Nisibis.

22.10. Therefore both they came into this city, and, since they were going to ratify the peace, the envoys brought the money there.

22.11. But the Emperor Justinian already repented of having conceded the fortresses of Lazica, and wrote to the envoys a letter expressly forbidding them by any means to give these up to the Persians.

22.12. Therefore Chosroes no longer thought fit to make the treaty, and then a thought came to Rufinus that he had brought the money into the land of the Persians having taken counsel more quickly than safely.

22.13. At once, then, he let his body down to the ground, and lying prone he besought Chosroes both to send the money back with them and not to make the expedition against the Romans at once, but to defer the war to some other time.

22.14. And Chosroes bade him rise from there, promising to grant him all these things. The envoys, then, with the money came to Daras, and the Persian army rode back.

22.15. And then the fellow-envoys held Rufinus in much suspicion and slandered him to the emperor, inferring that Chosroes had conceded to him everything he wished, persuaded by him.

22.16. The emperor, however, did him no harm for these things. And not long after Rufinus himself and Hermogenes were again sent to Chosroes, and at once they came to terms with one another for the treaty, on condition that each side give back as many places as both had taken from one another in this war, and that there should no longer be any command of soldiers at Daras; and to the Iberians it was granted to be in their own judgement either to remain there in Byzantium, or to return to their own fatherland. And there were many both who remained and who returned to their native homes.

22.17. Thus, then, they concluded the so-called Endless Peace, the Emperor Justinian now holding the kingship in the sixth year.

22.18. And the Romans gave the Pharangium and the fortress of Bolon, together with the money, to the Persians, and the Persians gave the Romans the fortresses of Lazica. The Persians also gave Dagaris back to the Romans, having received in exchange for him another man, not obscure.

22.19. This Dagaris at a later time often conquered the Huns who had invaded the land of the Romans, and drove them out in battle. For he was exceedingly valiant in war. Thus, then, both sides ratified the treaty with one another in the manner described.

23.1. At once it befell each emperor that a plot arose against him from his subjects; in what manner, I shall presently show. Chosroes son of Cabades was disorderly in mind and a strange lover of new things.

23.2. Therefore he himself was ever full of disturbance and tumult, and was the foremost cause of the like in all others.

23.3. Vexed, then, at his rule, all who among the Persians were energetic, took counsel to set up another king for themselves from the house of Cabades.

23.4. And (for there was among them a great longing for the rule of Zames, whom the law, on account of the maiming of his eye, as I have said, excluded) reckoning, they found it better for themselves to set up Cabades, his son and namesake of his grandfather, in the rule, and Zames, as being guardian of the boy, to administer the affairs of the Persians as he wished.

23.5. And coming to Zames they declared their design, and with much eagerness urging him on led him to the deed. And since the man was pleased with the plan, they purposed to set upon Chosroes at the right moment. But the plan, becoming known as far as the king, prevented what was being done.

23.6. For Chosroes both killed Zames himself and all his own brothers and those of Zames together with every male offspring, and as many of the men of note among the Persians as had taken counsel against him either to rule or to share in the rule in whatever way. Among these too was Aspebedes, the brother of Chosroes's mother.

23.7. Cabades, however, the son of Zames, he had no way himself to kill. For he was still being reared under the chanaranges Adergoudounbades. And he charged the chanaranges himself to make away with this boy whom he had reared. For he neither thought it just to distrust the man, nor was otherwise able to force him.

23.8. The chanaranges, then, when he heard the commands of Chosroes, being exceedingly grieved and bewailing the misfortune, conferred with his wife, the nurse of Cabades, all that the king had charged him. And the woman, weeping and taking hold of her husband's knees, besought him by no device to kill Cabades.

23.9. Taking counsel, then, among themselves, they reckoned that they should rear the boy hidden as securely as possible, and signify quickly to Chosroes that Cabades had vanished from among men.

23.10. And they signified this to the king accordingly, and so hid Cabades that they gave perception of it to no one except their own son Varrames and one of their household servants, who seemed to them most trustworthy of all.

23.11. But when, as time went on, Cabades came to manhood, the chanaranges, fearing lest what had been done should be brought to light, gave Cabades money and bade him depart and save himself wherever he could in his flight. At that time, then, the chanaranges escaped the notice of Chosroes and all the rest in having done these things.

23.12. At a later time Chosroes invaded the land of Colchis with a great army, as shall be written in my later books.

23.13. And there followed him the son of this chanaranges, Varrames, bringing with him others of the household servants, and the one who chanced to share with him the knowledge concerning Cabades; there Varrames told the king everything about Cabades, and produced the servant agreeing with him in all things.

23.14. When Chosroes learned this, he was now held by extraordinary anger, and thought it monstrous that he should have suffered such deeds at the hands of a slave; and not having any way to get the man into his power, he devised the following.

23.15. When he was about to withdraw homeward from the land of Colchis, he writes to this chanaranges that it had been resolved by him to invade the land of the Romans with his whole army, not, however, by one entrance into the country, but having divided the Persian army in two, so that the invasion against the enemy should be both within and outside the Euphrates river.

23.16. With one portion of the army he himself, as was likely, would lead the way into the enemy's land; but to no other of his slaves would he give equal honour with the king in this dignity, except to the chanaranges himself on account of his valour.

23.17. He must therefore, on the return march, come quickly into his presence, so that, having conferred with him, he might charge him everything that was going to profit the army; and he should bid those with him go on behind by the road.

23.18. When the chanaranges saw this brought to him, overjoyed at the honour of the king toward him, and far removed from his own evils, he at once performed what was enjoined.

23.19. But on this road, being by no means able to hold out against the toil (for the man was very old), letting go the rein of his horse he falls and the bone in his leg was broken; therefore it was necessary for him to remain there quietly being tended, and into this place he came into the presence of the king as he arrived.

23.20. And Chosroes said to him that it was impossible for him to make the expedition with them while in such state of his foot, but that he must go to one of the fortresses there and receive the care of physicians.

23.21. Thus Chosroes sent the man off to his death, and with him there followed behind those who were to make away with him in the fortress—a man invincible in Persia, both being and called a general, who, having made expeditions against twelve barbarian nations, subdued them all to King Cabades.

23.22. And on Adergoudounbades being made to vanish from among men, Varrames his son obtained the dignity of chanaranges.

23.23. Not long afterward, either Cabades himself, the son of Zames, or someone laying claim to the name of Cabades, came to Byzantium; he was, however, most like in countenance to King Cabades.

23.24. And the Emperor Justinian, though in doubt, since he was the grandson of King Cabades, held him in honour with much friendliness. So the affairs concerning the Persians who rose against Chosroes turned out thus.

23.25. Later Chosroes made away with Mebodes too, for the following cause. As he was dispatching some matter of importance, he gave Zaberganes, who was present, the order to summon Mebodes; but it chanced that Zaberganes was at variance with Mebodes; and he, coming to him, found him marshalling the soldiers who followed him, and said that the king summoned him as quickly as possible.

23.26. And he agreed to follow at once, as soon as he should have disposed of the matters in hand; but Zaberganes, led by his hatred toward him, reported to Chosroes that Mebodes was unwilling to come at present, saying that he had some occupation.

23.27. Chosroes, then, held by anger, sending one of his followers, bade Mebodes go to the tripod. What this is, I shall presently show.

23.28. An iron tripod stands always before the palace. Whenever, then, one of the Persians learns that the king is angry with him, it is not lawful for this man to flee to a temple anywhere nor to go elsewhere, but, sitting by this tripod, to await the king's vote, no one at all thinking fit to guard him.

23.29. There Mebodes sat in a piteous posture for many days, until someone, at Chosroes's bidding, took and killed him. To this came his benefaction to Chosroes.

24.1. About the same time at Byzantium a faction fell unexpectedly upon the people, which became, beyond expectation, the greatest, and ended in a great evil for both the people and the senate, in the following manner.

24.2. The peoples in each city have from of old been divided into Blues and Greens, but it is not a long time since, for the sake of these names and of the benches on which they stand to watch, they both spend their money and give up their bodies to the most bitter torments, and do not refuse to die a most shameful death;

24.3. and they fight against those set opposite them, neither knowing for what cause the danger is to them, and knowing well that, even if they prevail over their enemies in the fight, it will remain for them to be at once led away to prison, and, after being tortured to the utmost, then to perish.

24.4. There springs up in them, then, a hatred toward their neighbours that has no cause, and it remains unending for all time, yielding neither to marriage-tie nor to kinship nor to the law of friendship, even if those at variance over these colours be brothers or aught else of the kind.

24.5. And they care neither for things divine nor human beyond conquering in these, even if some impiety toward God be committed by anyone whomsoever, or the laws and the constitution be violated by their own people or the enemy; since even when, perhaps, lacking necessaries and being wronged in their most pressing needs and their fatherland injured, they take no heed, provided it shall be well for their part; for so they call their fellow-partisans.

24.6. And of this pollution the women too share with them, not only following their husbands, but even, should it so chance, opposing them, although they neither go to the theatres at all nor are led by any other cause; so that I for my part can call this nothing else than a disease of the soul. So these things stand thus for the cities and for each people.

24.7. At that time the magistracy which presided over the people in Byzantium was leading away some of the partisans to death. But both factions, taking thought together and making truce with one another, seize those being led off, and at once breaking into the prison release all who had been bound for faction or any other offence.

24.8. And the underlings, as many as follow the city magistracy, were killed without account, and of the citizens whatever was pure fled to the mainland opposite, and fire was brought upon the city, as though it had come under enemies.

24.9. And the church of Sophia and the bath of Zeuxippus and, of the emperor's court, the part from the entrance-porches as far as the so-called House of Ares, being burned, were destroyed; and besides these both the great colonnades reaching to the forum which is named after Constantine, and many houses of wealthy men and great riches.

24.10. And the emperor and his consort and some of the senate, having shut themselves up in the palace, remained quiet. And the peoples gave one another the watchword "Conquer" (Nika), and from this even to this time that disturbance is called by that name.

24.11. At that time the prefect of the court was John the Cappadocian, and Tribunian, a Pamphylian by race, was the emperor's assessor; this man the Romans call quaestor.

24.12. Of these two, the one, John, was without share of liberal letters and education. For he learned nothing else, going to the schoolmaster, than letters, and these badly and ill; but in strength of nature he became the most powerful of all whom we know.

24.13. For he was most able both to know what was needful and to find a solution for difficulties. But having become most wicked of all men, he used the power of his nature to this end, and neither thought of God nor any respect of men came upon him; rather it was his care both to destroy the lives of many men for the sake of gain and to pull down whole cities.

24.14. In a short time, then, having got great riches about him, he broke into a certain debauchery that had no limit, plundering up to the hour of his breakfast the substance of the subjects, and for the rest occupied with drinking and the licentious works of the body;

24.15. and he could in no way restrain himself, but ate his food up to vomiting, and was ever ready to steal money, but readier to give it out and spend it. Such, then, was John.

24.16. Tribunian, however, both used the power of his nature and reached the height of education, second to none of his time, but having become demonically eager for love of money he was able ever to sell justice for gain, and of the laws each day for the most part he abolished some, and wrote others, selling each to those who needed it according to their need.

24.17. So long, then, as the people carried on their war against one another over the names of the colours, there was no account of the wrongs these men did to the state; but when, having taken counsel together, as has been said, they entered into faction, then both openly throughout the whole city they insulted them, and going about sought for someone to kill. Therefore the emperor, wishing to win over the people, at once deprived both of their office.

24.18. And he set up Phocas, a patrician, as prefect of the court, a most intelligent man and well fitted to care for justice; and he ordered Basilides to hold the office of quaestor, a man known among the patricians for his fairness and otherwise of repute.

24.19. But none the less the faction was at its height in their time. On the fifth day from the faction, toward late afternoon, the Emperor Justinian charged Hypatius and Pompeius, nephews of Anastasius who had been emperor, to go home as quickly as possible, either suspecting that some revolutionary measure was being plotted by them against his own person, or because destiny was leading them to this.

24.20. And they, fearing—which indeed happened—lest the people should force them to the kingship, said they would not do justly if they should abandon their emperor, who had come into so great a danger.

24.21. Hearing this, the Emperor Justinian fell still more into suspicion, and at once bade them depart. So, then, these two men were conveyed home, and, so long as it was still night, there they remained quiet.

24.22. On the next day, at sunrise, it became known to the people that both had departed from their stay in the palace. The whole populace, then, ran upon them and proclaimed Hypatius emperor, and led him to the forum, as one who should take up the reins of affairs.

24.23. But Maria, the wife of Hypatius, an intelligent woman and having the greatest repute for prudence, clung to her husband and would not let go, and cried out with wailing and exhorted all her intimates, saying that the people were leading him to his death.

24.24. But the throng overpowering her, she let go her husband against her will, and the populace, leading him unwilling to the forum of Constantine, called him to the kingship, and (for they had neither diadem nor any other of the things with which it is the law for an emperor to be invested) setting a certain golden chain upon his head, proclaimed him Emperor of the Romans.

24.25. And now, when the members of the senate too were assembling, as many as had not chanced to be left behind in the emperor's court, many opinions were spoken, that they should go to fight at the palace;

24.26. but Origenes, a man of the senate, coming forward spoke as follows: "Our present affairs, men of Romans, cannot be decided otherwise than by war. And war and kingship are agreed to be the greatest of all things among men.

24.27. But great deeds will not be set right by shortness of time, but by good counsel of mind and toils of body, which men display over a length of time.

24.28. If, then, we go against the enemy, our affairs will stand on a razor's edge, and we shall risk all in a short time, and for what is going to come about we shall either do obeisance to fortune or blame it altogether.

24.29. For the swiftest of matters for the most part come round to the mastery of fortune. But if we manage the present more leisurely, not even should we wish shall it be in our power to take Justinian in the palace, but he will be glad if someone allows him to flee as quickly as possible.

24.30. For a rule that is despised is wont to fall away, its strength failing it day by day. There are, then, for us other palaces, both the Placilliana and those named after Helena, whence this emperor ought, setting out, to carry on the war and

24.31. dispose of all else in the way it shall be better." So much Origenes said. But the others, as a throng is wont to do, took it up more sharply and thought the immediate course expedient, and not least Hypatius (for it was destined that ill befall him) bade them lead the way of the road to the hippodrome. And some say that he came there on purpose, being well-disposed toward the emperor.

24.32. Those about the emperor were in counsel whether it would be better for them to remain or, turning to flight by the ships, to depart. And many words were spoken tending to either course.

24.33. And Theodora the empress spoke as follows: "As for the matter that a woman ought not to be daring among men, or to play the bold spirit among those who shrink back, the present crisis, I think, by no means allows us to consider whether it must be thought thus or otherwise.

24.34. For those whose affairs have come into the greatest danger, nothing else seems best than to dispose what is at hand in the best way.

24.35. But I hold that flight, if ever, even now, even if it bring safety, is inexpedient. For to a man who has come to the light it is impossible not also to become a corpse, but for one who has been emperor to be a fugitive is not to be endured.

24.36. May I not be without this purple, nor may I live that day on which those who meet me shall not address me as mistress. If, then, you wish to save yourself, O Emperor, there is no difficulty.

24.37. For we have much money, and there is the sea, and here are the ships. But consider whether, when you have been saved, it will not befall you to exchange most gladly your safety for death. For a certain ancient saying pleases me, that kingship is a fair

24.38. winding-sheet." When the empress had said so much, courage came upon all, and turning to defence they took counsel how they might be able to defend themselves, should anyone come to make war on them.

24.39. The soldiers, all of them, both the rest and as many as were stationed about the emperor's court, were neither well-disposed toward the emperor nor wished openly to set to work, but waited to see how the issue would turn out.

24.40. And all his hope the emperor had in Belisarius and Mundus, of whom the one, Belisarius, just returned from the Median war, brought with him an attendant force both capable and worthy of account, and had a multitude of bodyguards and shield-bearers who had practised their exercises in contests and the dangers of war.

24.41. And Mundus, appointed general of the Illyrians, by some chance happened to have been summoned to Byzantium for some need, bringing barbarian Heruls.

24.42. Hypatius, then, when he came to the hippodrome, went up at once to where it is the law for an emperor to take his place, and sat upon the royal throne, whence the emperor was ever wont to view the equestrian and gymnic contest.

24.43. And from the palace Mundus went out by a gate, where the "Snail" is named from the spiral form of its descent.

24.44. And Belisarius at first went up straight toward Hypatius himself and the royal throne, but when he came to the adjoining building where there is from of old a guard of soldiers, he cried out to the soldiers, bidding them open the door for him as quickly as possible, that he might go against the tyrant.

24.45. But it had been resolved by the soldiers to defend neither side until one of them should win a clear victory, and, pretending to hear least of all, they put him off.

24.46. Turning back, then, to the emperor, Belisarius insisted that their affairs were ruined for them.

24.47. For the soldiers who held the palace guard were rebelling against him. The emperor, then, bade him go to the so-called Chalce and the entrance-porches there.

24.48. And he, hardly and not without dangers and great toils, going through ruins and half-burned places, went up into the hippodrome.

24.49. And when he had come to the Blue Colonnade, which is on the right of the emperor's throne, he purposed first to go against Hypatius himself, but there being a small postern there which was shut and guarded by Hypatius's soldiers within, he feared lest, while he was toiling in a narrow place, the people, falling upon him, should destroy himself and all his followers, and the more easily and with less toil go against the emperor.

24.50. Reckoning, then, that he must go against the people who stood in the hippodrome, immeasurable in multitude and pushed by one another with much disorder, drawing his sword from the scabbard and bidding the rest do likewise, with a run and a shout he went against them.

24.51. And the people, standing as in a throng and not in array, when they saw soldiers corseleted and having great repute both for manliness and experience of wars, and smiting with their swords with no sparing, rushed to flight.

24.52. And a great shout, as was likely, arising, Mundus, standing nearby and wishing to set to work (for he was a daring and effective man), but at a loss how he should use the present occasion, when he inferred that Belisarius was in the thick of the toil, at once burst into the hippodrome by the entrance which is called the Dead.

24.53. Then indeed the partisans of Hypatius, smitten with might from both sides, were destroyed. And when the rout had become brilliant and there was already a great slaughter of the people, Boraïdes and Justus, cousins of the Emperor Justinian, no one daring to raise hands against them, both pulled Hypatius down from the throne and, leading him in, handed him over to the emperor together with Pompeius.

24.54. And there died of the people more than thirty thousand on that day. And the emperor bade them be in close custody.

24.55. There Pompeius wept and uttered words worthy of pity; for the man was least of all experienced in such matters and such evils; but Hypatius, reproaching him much, said that those who were about to perish unjustly ought not to lament.

24.56. For they had at first been forced unwilling by the people to the rule, and had afterward come to the hippodrome with no evil intent against the emperor. And the soldiers, on the next day killing both, threw their bodies into the sea.

24.57. And the emperor registered their goods to the treasury, and those of all the others of the senate who had set their purpose with them.

24.58. Afterward, however, to all the rest and to the children of Hypatius and Pompeius he restored the dignities which they had formerly enjoyed, and of the money as much as he had not chanced to bestow upon some of his intimates. To this point did the faction in Byzantium come to its end.

25.1. Tribunian and John, having been thus deprived of their honour, were at a later time both restored to the same offices.

25.2. But Tribunian, surviving many years in his honour, died of disease, having suffered nothing else unpleasant from anyone. For he was wily and otherwise agreeable, and most able by the abundance of his education to overshadow the disease of his love of money.

25.3. But John (for to all men alike he was heavy and harsh, both laying on blows to those who fell in his way and plundering all money with no account), holding his office a tenth year, paid the penalty rightly and justly for his lawlessness in his way of life, in the following manner.

25.4. The empress Theodora was vexed at him most of all. And he, having offended the woman by his misdeeds, by no means resolved to win her over by flattery or favour, but openly set himself to plot against her, slandering her to the emperor, neither blushing at her fortune nor ashamed at the affection which the emperor had toward her, extraordinary as it was.

25.5. The empress, perceiving what was being done, purposed to kill the man, but had no device, since the Emperor Justinian made much account of him.

25.6. And John, learning the empress's mind toward him, fell into great fears.

25.7. And whenever he went to his chamber to sleep, he suspected that some one of the barbarians would set upon him to destroy him each night, and ever peering out from his bedroom and scanning the entrances he remained sleepless, although he had made companions of many thousands of bodyguards and shield-bearers, a thing that had never before happened to any prefect.

25.8. But forgetting at daybreak all his fears, both divine and human, he became again a destruction, both publicly and privately, to all the Romans. And he consorted much with sorcerers, and ever using impious divinations which foretold to him the imperial power, he was conspicuous as one walking on air and lifted aloft by hopes of the kingship.

25.9. Yet of his wickedness and lawlessness in his way of life nothing either abated or ceased.

25.10. And of God he had no account at all, but even if anywhere he went into a church to pray and pass the night there, he did nothing like the customs of the Christians, but putting on a cloak befitting a priest of the ancient faith which they now have been accustomed to call Greek, he recited certain unholy words which he had practised throughout that whole night, that the mind of the emperor might be still more under his hand and that he himself might be unharmed by all men.

25.11. Meanwhile Belisarius, having subdued Italy, came to the emperor at Byzantium summoned, together with his wife Antonina, in order that he might make an expedition against the Persians.

25.12. And to all the rest he was honoured and held worthy of much account, as was likely, but John alone was harsh toward him and held to him with much plotting, for no other reason than that he himself drew upon himself the hatred of all, while Belisarius chanced to be of all most well-esteemed; and the hope of the Romans being upon him, he again made an expedition against the Persians, leaving his wife in Byzantium.

25.13. But Antonina, the wife of Belisarius (for she was most capable of all men in contriving impossibilities), purposing to gratify the empress, devised the following. John had a daughter Euphemia, having great repute for prudence, but very young, and from this very easily caught; whom the father loved exceedingly, since he had become father of her alone.

25.14. This girl Antonina, fawning upon her for many days, was able most persistently to make her friend, and did not disdain to share with her her own secrets.

25.15. And once, when she alone was present with her in the chamber, she pretended to bewail her present fortunes, that Belisarius, having made the realm of the Romans wider by a greater measure than it had been before, and having brought two captive kings and so great a sum of wealth to Byzantium, had met with an ungrateful Justinian; and in other respects she slandered the government as being unjust.

25.16. And Euphemia, overjoyed at the words (for through fear of the empress she too was vexed at the present government), said, "And yet for this, dearest, you yourselves are to blame, in that, when it is in your power,

25.17. you will not use your might." And Antonina, taking up the word, said, "For we are not able, daughter, to undertake revolutionary measures in the camp, unless some of those within join with us in the work; but if your father were willing, most easily, setting ourselves to this deed, we should accomplish whatever should be

25.18. God's will." Hearing this, Euphemia eagerly promised that it would be brought to effect, and departing thence at once carried the matter to her father.

25.19. And he, pleased at the word (for he supposed that this way led to the oracles and the kingship), at once with no delay agreed, and bade his child arrange that on the morrow he should himself meet Antonina in conference and give pledges.

25.20. And Antonina, learning John's mind, and wishing to lead the man as far as possible from the perception of the truth, said that for the present it was inexpedient for him to meet with her, lest some suspicion arising in the meanwhile should be sufficient to hinder what was being done; but that she was about presently to set out for the East to Belisarius.

25.21. When, therefore, having departed from Byzantium, she should be in the suburb (which is named Rufinianae and chanced to be the property of Belisarius), there let John come as though to salute and escort her, and let them both make their words about the whole matter and take and give pledges. Saying this, she seemed to John to speak well, and a fixed day was appointed for the deed.

25.22. And the empress, hearing the whole account from Antonina, praised what had been planned, and exhorting her still much more urged her on to zeal.

25.23. And when the appointed day came, Antonina, having saluted the empress, departed from the city and was at Rufinianae, as though on the morrow to begin the road to the East, where John too came by night to fulfil what had been agreed.

25.24. And the empress, slandering to her husband what John was doing for the tyranny, sent Narses the eunuch and Marcellus the commander of the palace guards to Rufinianae with many soldiers, on condition that, having searched out what was being done, if they should find John attempting revolutionary measures, they should at once kill the man and return.

25.25. And these were dispatched for this work. But they say that the emperor, perceiving what was being done, sent one of John's intimates to him, forbidding him by any means to meet secretly with Antonina.

25.26. But John (for it was destined that ill befall him), holding the emperor's suggestion of no account, about midnight met with Antonina near a certain garden-wall, behind which she had chanced to seat those under Narses and Marcellus, that they might hear what was said.

25.27. There John, with unguarded mouth, both avowed the matters of the attempt and confirmed them with the most dread oaths, while Narses and Marcellus suddenly set upon him.

25.28. And a tumult, as was likely, arising, the bodyguards of John (for they stood somewhere very near) at once came to him.

25.29. And one of them smote Marcellus with his sword, not knowing who he was, and thus John was able to escape with them and came quickly to the city.

25.30. And if he had taken courage to go at once to the emperor, I think he would have suffered nothing unpleasant from him; but as it was, having fled to a church, he gave the empress full power to use the plot against him as she pleased.

25.31. At that time, then, having become from a prefect a private man, he was removed thence and conveyed to another place, which is situated in the suburb of the city of Cyzicus—the Cyzicenes call the suburb Artace. There, against his will, he was clothed in the garb of a priest, not of a bishop, however, but of one whom they have been accustomed to call presbyter.

25.32. But he was by no means willing to perform priestly office, lest it should ever be an obstacle to him in going again to the magistracies; for he by no means wished to let go of his hopes. And his money was at once registered to the treasury.

25.33. Of which the emperor remitted to him a great part;

25.34. for he was still held by his sparing toward him. There it was in John's power, having become careless of all dangers, and having got great riches about him—both what he himself had chanced to hide and what by the emperor's will had remained with him—to live luxuriously at his pleasure, and, by prudent reckoning, to count the present circumstances happy.

25.35. Therefore all the Romans were simply vexed at the man, in that, having become most wicked of all demons, he held a life happier than before beyond his deserts.

25.36. But God, I think, did not allow the requital for John to be settled at this, but was preparing for him a greater punishment. And it came about as follows.

25.37. There was in Cyzicus a bishop, Eusebius by name, harsh to all who came in his way, no less than John; this man the Cyzicenes, slandering to the emperor, called to trial.

25.38. But when they accomplished nothing, Eusebius having got round them with much power, certain young men, taking counsel together, killed him in the forum of Cyzicus.

25.39. Now John happened to have become most at variance with Eusebius, and from this the suspicion of the plot came to him.

25.40. There were sent, then, from the senate men to search out this defilement; who first shut John up in prison, and then, a man who had become so powerful a prefect, and who had been registered among the patricians and had mounted the chair of the consuls—than which there is nothing greater, it seems, at least in the state of the Romans—they set him up naked, like some robber or footpad, and scourging him with many strokes over the back compelled him to tell the things he had done in his life.

25.41. And though John was not very clearly convicted as the cause of the murder of Eusebius, yet the justice of God seemed to be exacting from him the penalties of the whole world.

25.42. Then, having taken from him all his money, they put him naked into the ship, wearing a single garment, and that an exceedingly coarse one, bought for a few obols, and those who escorted him bade him, wherever the ship should put in, ask bread or obols from those he met.

25.43. And thus begging everywhere along the journey, he is conveyed to Antinous in Egypt. And this is the third year they keep him shut up there.

25.44. And he, though he had come into such sufferings, did not even let go the hope of the kingship, but resolved to slander certain of the Alexandrians too, as owing gold to the treasury. So this requital for his political deeds overtook John the Cappadocian ten years later.

26.1. At that time the emperor again appointed Belisarius General of the East, and sending him to Libya he gained the country, as shall be told in the books to follow.

26.2. When this came to Chosroes and the Persians, they were terribly vexed, and they now repented of the peace they had made with the Romans, since they perceived that their power was advancing to greatness.

26.3. And Chosroes, sending envoys to Byzantium, said that he rejoiced with the Emperor Justinian, and asked with a pretended laugh to receive his share of the spoils from Libya, since the emperor would never have been able to prevail in the war against the Vandals,

26.4. had the Persians not made the treaty with him. Then, therefore, Justinian, having gifted Chosroes with money, dismissed the envoys not long after.

26.5. And in the city of Daras the following thing befell. There was a certain John there, enrolled in a regiment of foot. This man, not with all the soldiers in agreement with him, but with a few, setting up a tyranny, seized the city.

26.6. And sitting in the palace as in a citadel, he strengthened his tyranny day by day.

26.7. And had it not chanced that the Persians were then holding to the peace toward the Romans, irreparable evils would have come from this to the Romans. But as it was, the agreement, anticipating, prevented this, as I have said.

26.8. On the fourth day from the tyranny the soldiers, taking counsel together by the purpose of Mamas the priest of the city and Anastasius, one of the notable citizens, went up into the palace at the height of noon, each having hidden a small sword under his cloak.

26.9. And first, at the inner door, finding a few of the bodyguards, they at once killed them. Then, going into the men's hall, they laid hands on the tyrant; but some say that the soldiers did not do this first, but that, while they were still hesitating in the inner court and dreading the danger, one of the sausage-sellers who was with them sprang in with his cleaver and, falling unexpectedly upon John, struck him.

26.10. And he, not struck with a mortal blow, but fleeing with much tumult, fell suddenly upon these soldiers.

26.11. And thus they, laying hands on the man, at once set fire to the palace and burned it, that no hope might be left from there to those attempting revolutionary measures, and leading the man off to prison bound him.

26.12. And one of them, fearing lest the soldiers, learning that the tyrant survived, should again cause trouble for the city, killed John, and in this way put an end to the disturbance. So the affairs concerning this tyranny turned out thus.