Book 6

1.1. After this the Romans no longer dared to risk a battle with their whole army; but by making cavalry engagements in the manner of sudden raids, as before, they were for the most part victorious over the barbarians. 1.2. Foot-soldiers also went out from both sides, not drawn up in a phalanx, 1.3. but following the horsemen. And once Bessas, in the first charge, leaping in among the enemy with his spear, slew three of their best horsemen and put the rest to flight. 1.4. On another occasion Constantinus, bringing up the Huns into the Plain of Nero about late afternoon, when he saw that his opponents were overpowering them by their numbers, 1.5. did as follows. There is there a great stadium from of old, where in former times the gladiators of the city used to contend; and the men of old built many other structures about this stadium, so that, as is natural, there are narrow lanes everywhere in that quarter. 1.6. So then Constantinus, since he could neither prevail over the throng of the Goths nor flee without great danger, dismounted all the Huns from their horses and on foot, together with them, took his stand in one of the narrow lanes there. 1.7. And from there, shooting from a safe position, they killed many of the enemy. And for some time the Goths, though shot at, held their ground; 1.8. for they hoped that, as soon as the arrows of the Huns should fail in their quivers, they would surround them with no trouble, and binding them would lead them off to their own camp. 1.9. But when the Massagetae, who were good bowmen and were shooting into a large throng, were hitting an enemy with almost every arrow, the Goths perceived that they had lost more than half their number, and since the sun was already going down to its setting and they did not know what to do, they rushed into flight. 1.10. Thereupon many of them fell; for the Massagetae, pressing close upon them, since they understand the art of shooting most skilfully even while riding at full speed, kept shooting them in the back and killing them none the less. Thus Constantinus came back into Rome with the Huns at nightfall. 1.11. And not many days later, when Peranius led some of the Romans against the enemy through the Salarian Gate, the Goths fled with all their might; but when a sudden counter-pursuit took place about sunset, one of the Romans, a foot-soldier, falling into great confusion, tumbled into a certain deep pit, such as many were made there in former times by the men of old 1.12. for the storing of grain, I suppose. And since he dared not raise a cry, inasmuch as the enemy were encamped somewhere near, and was not able to get out of the hole by any means whatever, since it offered no place to climb up, he was forced to pass the night there. 1.13. And on the following day, when there was again a rout of the barbarians, one of the Goths fell into the same pit. 1.14. Then indeed the two came together in friendliness and goodwill toward each other, since necessity drew them together, and they gave pledges, in very truth, that each would be earnest for the other's safety; and then both of them shouted out loud and clear. 1.15. The Goths accordingly, following the sound and peering down over the pit, inquired who in the world it was that was shouting. 1.16. And since it had been thus decided between the two men, the Roman kept silence, while the other declared in his native tongue that he had just now fallen in during the rout that had taken place, and begged them to let down a noose so that he might climb up. 1.17. And they, as quickly as possible, throwing down the ends of the ropes, thought to be drawing up the Goth; but the Roman, seizing the nooses, was hauled up, saying this, that if he himself climbed up first, the Goths would never neglect his comrade, but if they should learn that the enemy alone was there, they would take no account of him. 1.18. Having said this, he climbed up. And when the Goths saw him, they were amazed and seized with great perplexity; and hearing the whole story from him, they drew up the comrade second, who told them of the agreements between them and the pledges given by both. 1.19. And he went off with his comrades, while they let the Roman go unharmed into the city. 1.20. After this the horsemen on either side, not many at a time, often armed themselves as if for battle, but the contests always ended for them in single combat, and in all of them the Romans were victorious. Such, then, was the course of these events. 1.21. A little later, when an engagement took place in the Plain of Nero and pursuits were being made here and there by small bodies of horsemen, Chorsamantis, a man of repute among the guards of Belisarius, a Massagete by birth, was pursuing seventy of the enemy together with some others. 1.22. And when he had got far out into the plain, the other Romans rode back, but Chorsamantis alone still kept up the pursuit. And the Goths, observing this, turned their horses and came at him. 1.23. And he, charging into their midst and killing one of the best with his spear, went on against the rest; but they again turned and rushed into flight. 1.24. But being ashamed before those in the camp (for they suspected that they were already being observed by them too), they wished to go at him once more. 1.25. And meeting the same fate as before, and losing one of their best, they were turned to flight none the less, until Chorsamantis, having carried the pursuit up to their stockade, returned alone. 1.26. A little later, when he had been hit in the left shin in another battle, it was thought that the missile had grazed the surface of the bone. 1.27. And being kept out of the fighting for some days by this wound, as a barbarian man he did not bear it calmly, but threatened to avenge himself most speedily on the Goths for the outrage to his leg. 1.28. So when he had recovered not long afterward and was flushed with wine at his luncheon, as was his custom, he resolved to go alone against the enemy and to avenge himself for the outrage to his foot; and coming to the Pincian postern, he said that he was being sent by Belisarius to the camp of the enemy. 1.29. And the guards there (for they could not distrust a man who was the best of the guards of Belisarius) opened the gates and let him go wherever he wished. 1.30. And when the enemy caught sight of him, at first they supposed that some deserter was coming over to them; but when, on coming near, he laid hold of his bow, not knowing who in the world he was, twenty of them advanced against him. 1.31. And driving them off easily, he rode away at a walk, and when more Goths came against him he did not flee. 1.32. And when, as a great multitude poured against him, he saw fit to defend himself, the Romans, watching from the towers, suspected that the man was mad, but they did not yet know that it was Chorsamantis. 1.33. And after displaying deeds great and worthy of much account, and falling into the encirclement of the enemy's army, 1.34. he paid the penalty of his irrational rashness. And when Belisarius and the Roman army learned of this, falling into great grief, since the hope which all had placed in the man had been destroyed, they lamented him.

2.1. A certain Euthalius came about the summer solstice from Byzantium to Tarracina, bringing money which the emperor owed to the soldiers. 2.2. And fearing lest the enemy, falling in with him on the road, should both take away the money and kill him, he wrote to Belisarius to make his journey to Rome safe for him. 2.3. And Belisarius, selecting a hundred approved men of his own bodyguard, sent them with two spearmen to Tarracina to convey the money to him. 2.4. And he constantly gave the barbarians the impression that he was about to fight with his whole army, in order that none of the enemy might go off from there either to gather provisions or for any other purpose whatever. 2.5. And when on the following day he learned that Euthalius and his men would arrive, he arranged and marshalled his army as if for battle, and the barbarians were in readiness. 2.6. Now during the whole early part of the afternoon he kept the soldiers about the gates; for he knew that Euthalius and his men would arrive at nightfall. 2.7. And at midday he ordered the army to take their luncheon, and the Goths did this same thing, supposing that he was putting off the engagement until the next day. 2.8. And a little later Belisarius sent Martinus and Valerianus with their followers into the Plain of Nero, instructing them to throw the enemy's camp into as much confusion as possible. 2.9. And from the Pincian postern he sent six hundred horsemen against the stockades of the barbarians; 2.10. and over them he placed three of his own guards, Artasires a Persian, and Bochas a Massagete by birth, and Cutilas a Thracian. And many of the enemy met them. 2.11. For a long time the battle was not at close quarters, but they kept giving way to one another as they advanced, and both sides, making their pursuits abruptly reversing, seemed like men who wished to spend the time of the day in this way. 2.12. As they went on, however, they were now gripped by anger toward one another; and when the engagement had become fierce, many of the best of both sides fell, and reinforcements came to both, from the city and from the stockades. 2.13. And as these mingled with the combatants, the toil rose to a still greater height. And the shouting, encompassing both the city and the camps, struck terror into the fighters. 2.14. At last the Romans, thrusting back the enemy by their valour, routed them. In this action Cutilas, struck through the middle of the head by a javelin, and with this little spear fixed in him, kept up the pursuit. 2.15. And when the rout had taken place, he rode into the city about sunset together with the survivors, the javelin quivering in his head, a sight worthy of much account. 2.16. And in the meantime one of the Goths, an archer, struck Arzes, one of the guards of Belisarius, between the nose and the right eye. 2.17. And the point of the arrow penetrated as far as the neck behind, but did not show through, while the remainder of the shaft projected from the face and shook as the man rode. 2.18. And when the Romans saw him together with Cutilas, they marvelled greatly that they kept on riding, taking no heed of their hurt. Such, then, was the course of these things. 2.19. But in the Plain of Nero the affairs of the barbarians were superior. For Valerianus and Martinus and their men, fighting against a great multitude of the enemy, held out stoutly, but were suffering most terribly, and came into a state of great danger. 2.20. And then Belisarius ordered Bochas, taking with him those who had returned from the engagement with fresh bodies and horses, to go into the Plain of Nero. 2.21. It was already late in the day. And when Bochas and his men had come to the assistance of the Romans, a sudden rout of the barbarians took place, into which Bochas, charging far forward, came into an encirclement of twelve of the enemy who bore spears. 2.22. And all of them struck at him at once with their spears. But since his corselet withstood them, the other blows did not hurt him much, but one of the Goths, coming upon him from behind above the right armpit, where the body was unprotected, close to the shoulder, struck the young man—not a fatal blow, however, nor one bringing him into danger of death. 2.23. And in front another, piercing his left thigh, cut the muscle there, not with a straight blow, but with a slanting one. 2.24. But Valerianus and Martinus saw what was happening, and their reinforcements as quickly as possible both routed the enemy, and the two of them, laying hold of the bridle of the horse of Bochas, came into the city. And night came on, and Euthalius arrived with the money. 2.25. When all had got into the city, they attended to their wounds. The physicians, wishing to draw the missile out of the face of Arzes, were perplexed for some time, not so much on account of the eye, which they supposed could never be saved, but lest, by the puncturing of membranes and tendons, of which there are many there, they should destroy the best man of the household of Belisarius. 2.26. Then one of the physicians, Theoctistus by name, pressing against the back of the neck, asked the man if he felt much pain. 2.27. And when he said that he did feel pain, “Then you yourself will be saved,” he said, “and your sight will not be harmed.” This he affirmed, judging that the point of the missile had penetrated not far from the skin. 2.28. So cutting off as much of the shaft as showed outside and throwing it away, and dividing the skin at the back of the head where the man felt most pain, he drew out the point from there with no trouble, bringing with it the three barbs that projected backward and the remaining portion of the missile. 2.29. Thus Arzes remained altogether unharmed, and not even a trace of the wound was left on his face. 2.30. But Cutilas, when the little spear had been pulled out of his head with some violence (for it had been driven very deep), fell into a swoon. 2.31. And when the membranes there began to be inflamed, he was seized with phrenitis and died not long afterward. 2.32. As for Bochas, an unspeakable flow of blood from his thigh straightway seized him, and he seemed not far from death. And the physicians said that the cause of this was that the blow had cut the muscle not in a straight line but with a slanting incision. 2.33. He died, accordingly, three days later. For these reasons the Romans were in great grief during that whole night; and from the stockades of the Goths many dirges and loud wailings were heard. 2.34. And the Romans wondered at this, since no suffering worthy of account seemed to have befallen the enemy on the preceding day, except indeed that not a few of them had perished in the engagements. 2.35. And this same thing, having befallen them before none the less—if not more so—had not greatly disturbed them, on account of their multitude. 2.36. It became known, however, on the following day that the Goths were lamenting men of the very highest repute in the camp in the Plain of Nero, whom Bochas had slain in his first charge. 2.37. There were also other engagements not worthy of record, which it seemed to me not necessary to describe. In all, however, sixty-seven took place during this siege, and two more, the last, which shall be told in the subsequent narrative. 2.38. And at that time the winter was ending, and the second year was coming to a close in this war which Procopius has written.

3.1. And now, when the summer solstice had already begun, both famine and pestilence together fell upon those in the city. The soldiers still had grain left, but nothing else of the necessities; the rest of the Romans, however, had run out of grain, and the famine, together with the pestilence, oppressed them grievously. 3.2. And the Goths, perceiving this, no longer wished to risk a battle with the enemy, but kept watch that nothing might be brought in to them for the future. 3.3. Now there are two aqueducts between the Latin and the Appian Way, exceedingly high and raised up for the most part on arches. 3.4. These two aqueducts, at a place fifty stades distant from Rome, meet each other and for a little while change their courses to the opposite direction. 3.5. For the one which before had its place on the right then goes along bearing to the left. 3.6. Then again coming together and resuming their former position, they are separated for the rest of the way, and from this it comes about that the space between is enclosed by a fortification formed by the aqueducts. 3.7. The lower arches of these the barbarians blocked up with stones and clay and made into the form of a fort, and there, encamping with no fewer than seven thousand men, they kept guard that the enemy might no longer bring anything of the necessities into the city. 3.8. Then indeed every hope of good had failed the Romans, and every form of evil encompassed them. So long as the grain was at its height, the most daring of the soldiers, urged on by their desire for money, mounting their horses and dragging others along, would get into the standing crops by night, not far from the city. 3.9. And cutting the ears of grain and placing them on the horses which they themselves led along, they would carry them into the city unobserved by the enemy and sell them for much money to the wealthy among the Romans. 3.10. The rest, however, lived on certain herbs, such as grow in abundance both in the suburbs and inside the wall. For herbage never fails the land of the Romans, neither in the winter season nor at any other time, but it always blossoms and flourishes at all seasons. 3.11. For which reason it has happened that those besieged there even pastured their horses. And some, making sausages of the mules that died in Rome, sold them secretly. 3.12. And when the crops no longer had grain, and all the Romans had come into great evil, they crowded around Belisarius and tried to compel him to settle matters with the enemy in a single battle, promising that none of the Romans would be left out of the engagement. And as he was at a loss before the present situation and was greatly distressed, some of the men of the people spoke to him as follows: 3.13. “The present fortune has overtaken us, O general, when we did not expect it, but in everything our hopes have turned out to the contrary. 3.14. For having obtained what we formerly desired, we have now come to our present calamity, and the opinion which we held before, that it was a noble thing to seek the emperor's protection, has now turned about and proved to be folly and the cause of the greatest evils. 3.15. From this we have come to such a pass of necessity that even now we are constrained, and have dared to take up arms against the barbarians. 3.16. And forgiveness if we speak boldly to Belisarius—for the belly, when it lacks the necessities, does not know how to be ashamed; 3.17. but let fortune make our defence for our rashness. For with good reason life, prolonged for those who fare not well, is held to be the most grievous of all things. The misfortunes that have befallen us you see, doubtless. 3.18. These fields and the whole countryside have fallen under the hands of the enemy; and this city has been shut off from all good things—we know not for how long a time. 3.19. Of the Romans, some already lie dead, having drawn the lot of not even being hidden by the earth, while we who survive—to speak in a word of all our terrors—pray to be ranged among those who lie thus. 3.20. For famine shows all evils bearable to those it meets, and wherever it appears, it comes attended by forgetfulness of all else, and makes all forms of death pleasant to men, except that which comes from itself. 3.21. While, therefore, the evil has not yet conquered us, grant us to take up the contest on our own behalf, from which it will come about for us either to prevail over the enemy or to be released from our hardships. 3.22. For those to whom delay brings a hope of safety would be very foolish to thrust themselves prematurely into a danger involving everything; but for those to whom the contest becomes more difficult by slowness, even to put it off for a short time is more blameworthy than immediate rashness.” 3.23. Thus much the Romans said. And Belisarius answered as follows: “But for me all that has come from you has happened quite as I expected, and nothing has fallen out contrary to my opinion. 3.24. For I have long known that a populace is a most ill-counselled thing, and that it is by nature able neither to bear the present nor to take forethought for the future, but only knows how to undertake the impossible easily and to perish unconsidered. 3.25. I, however, would never of my own free will, on account of your faintheartedness, either destroy you or ruin the emperor's affairs along with you. 3.26. For war is not wont to be brought to a successful issue by unreasoning haste, but by good counsel and forethought, always weighing the turn of opportunities. 3.27. You, then, thinking that you are playing at dice, wish to cast the single throw for everything; but it is not my custom to choose the quick way before the advantageous. 3.28. Then, too, you propose to go against the enemy through battle along with us—when have you practised the exercises of war? Or what man who has learned such things by arms does not know that battle does not proceed to the trial? Nor does the enemy himself give one a chance to practise in the contests. 3.29. For the present I admire your zeal, and I forgive this disturbance; 3.30. but that these things have come upon you at no opportune time, and that we are using a prudent delay, I shall make plain. The emperor, having gathered from every land an army superior in number, has sent it, and a fleet such as never before was assembled by the Romans now covers the shore of Campania and most of the Ionian Gulf. 3.31. And within a few days they will come to us with all the necessities, both to put an end to our want and to overwhelm the camps of the barbarians with a multitude of missiles. 3.32. I have reckoned, therefore, that it is better to put off the time of engagement until their arrival, and to win the mastery of the war in safety, rather than, growing bold with unreasoning haste, to throw away the safety of all. But that they shall come at once and delay no longer, I shall see to.”

4.1. With these words Belisarius emboldened the populace of the Romans and dismissed them; but Procopius, who wrote this history, he ordered to go to Naples immediately. For a report was going about that the emperor had sent an army there. 4.2. And he instructed him to load as many ships as possible with grain, and to gather all the soldiers who happened at the moment to have come from Byzantium, or had been left there for the guarding of horses or for any other purpose whatever—of whom he had heard that many had gone to the regions in Campania—and to take some also of the garrisons there, and to come bringing the grain to Ostia, where is the port of the Romans. 4.3. And he, with Mundilas the spearman and a few horsemen, passed by night through the gate which is named after Paul the Apostle, escaping the notice of the enemy's camp which kept guard close to the Appian Way. 4.4. And when Mundilas and his men, returning to Rome, reported that Procopius had already reached Campania without meeting any of the barbarians—for the enemy never went outside their camp by night—all became hopeful, and Belisarius, now taking courage, devised the following. 4.5. He sent many of the horsemen to the strongholds near by, instructing them, if any of the enemy should come that way to bring provisions into the camps, to make sorties and ambushes against them everywhere in those regions and never to permit it, but to keep them off with all their might, in order that the city might be less hard pressed by want than before, and that the barbarians might seem to be besieged rather than to be besieging the Romans. 4.6. So he ordered Martinus and Trajan with a thousand men to go to Tarracina. And with them he sent also his wife Antonina, instructing her to set out for Naples with some few men and to await in safety the fortune that should befall them. 4.7. And Magnus and Sinthues the spearman he sent, taking with them about five hundred men, to the fortress of Tibur, which is one hundred and forty stades distant from Rome. 4.8. But to the town of Alba, which is the same distance away but lies on the Appian Way, he had previously sent Gontharis with some of the Eruli, whom the Goths drove out from there by force not long afterward. 4.9. There is a certain church of Paul the Apostle, fourteen stades distant from the wall of Rome, and the river Tiber flows past it. In that place there is no fortification whatever, but a colonnade extending from the city as far as the church, and many other buildings about it, make the place not easy to attack. 4.10. And there is a certain reverence among the Goths toward these sacred places. In neither of the churches of the two apostles, indeed, during the whole period of the war, was any unpleasant thing done by them, but all the rites were duly performed there by the priests, as was their custom. 4.11. In this place he ordered Valerianus, taking off all the Huns, to make a stockade by the bank of the Tiber, in order that their horses might be fed with less fear and that the Goths might be still more held back from going at will as far as possible from their camps. 4.12. And he did accordingly. And when the Huns had encamped there where the general directed, Belisarius rode back into the city. 4.13. Having accomplished these things, Belisarius kept quiet, not beginning battle, but eager to defend himself from the wall, if anyone should come from outside to do mischief to it. 4.14. And he provided grain for some of the populace of the Romans. And Martinus and Trajan, having passed by night through the camps of the enemy, when they reached Tarracina, sent Antonina with a few men into Campania, while they themselves, occupying the strongholds there and making sudden sorties from them, held back the Goths who went about the regions there. 4.15. And Magnus and Sinthues rebuilt in a short time as much of the fortress as had fallen down, and when they were in safety, they now harried the enemy still more, since their fort was not far off, both by constant raids and by always striking with terror, through the unexpectedness, those of the barbarians who escorted provisions, until Sinthues, struck by a spear in some battle in his right hand, with the tendons cut, became unfit for fighting for the rest of the time. 4.16. And the Huns, having made their camp in the neighbourhood, as I have said, did the Goths no less harm, so that they too were now hard pressed by famine, since there was no longer security for them to bring in provisions as before. 4.17. And a pestilence, falling upon them, destroyed many, and especially in the camp which was their last toward the Appian Way, 4.18. as has been shown by me before. And the few of them who were not destroyed withdrew from there to the other stockades. And the Huns, suffering this same thing, came into Rome. 4.19. These things, then, happened thus. And Procopius, when he had come into Campania, gathered there no fewer than five hundred soldiers, and filling a great number of ships with grain, kept them in readiness. 4.20. And Antonina also was present with him not long afterward, and together with him took charge of the fleet. 4.21. At that time too the mountain Vesuvius rumbled, but did not erupt, although there was a strong expectation arising from it that it would erupt. For which reason it came about that the inhabitants fell into great fear. 4.22. This mountain is seventy stades distant from Naples, turned toward the north wind from it, and it is altogether precipitous, being thickly wooded in a circle at the lower parts, but at the upper parts craggy and terribly inaccessible. 4.23. And on the summit of Vesuvius, about the middle, a cave appears, very deep, so that one may guess it extends to the very bottom of the mountain. 4.24. And there fire may be seen, if one dares to bend over it; and at other times the flame turns upon itself, giving trouble to none of the people there, but whenever the mountain sends forth a noise resembling a bellowing, it throws up not long afterward a great quantity of ashes from far below. 4.25. And if it catch anyone walking on the road, there is no means by which that man can live, and if it fall upon any houses, these too fall, weighed down by the quantity of the ashes. 4.26. And if a hard wind happen to come, it comes about that the ashes are carried up to a great height, so as no longer to be visible to a man, and they are borne wherever the wind blows them and fall to earth wherever it chances to be very far off. 4.27. And once, they say, the ashes fell upon Byzantium and so terrified the people there that from that time even to this day they have determined to propitiate God with yearly prayers in a public manner; and at another time they fell upon Tripolis in Libya. 4.28. And formerly they say this rumbling happened at intervals of a hundred years or even more, but later it came to pass much more quickly. 4.29. This, however, they affirm strongly, that whenever it falls to Vesuvius to erupt these ashes, of necessity that land flourishes with crops of all kinds. 4.30. And the air on this mountain is very thin and naturally most conducive to health of all places. Indeed, physicians send there from the most ancient times those who are seized with consumption. Such, then, is the situation regarding Vesuvius.

5.1. In the meantime another army also sailed in from Byzantium—three thousand Isaurians to the harbour of Naples, whom Paulus and Conon led, and to Dryus eight hundred Thracian horsemen, whom John commanded, the nephew of Vitalian who had previously usurped power, and with them another thousand soldiers from the cavalry rolls, whom, among others, Alexander and Marcentius commanded. 5.2. And it happened that Zeno also had already arrived in Rome with three hundred horsemen by way of Samnium and the Latin Way. And when John too with all the others came into Campania, having many wagons from the Calabrians, there were joined to them five hundred men gathered from Campania, 5.3. as I have said. These intended to go by the coast road with the wagons, with the purpose, if any enemy should meet them, of making the wagons into a kind of circle and the form of a stockade and from there defending themselves against the attackers; and they ordered Paulus and Conon to sail with all speed and to join them at Ostia, the port of the Romans, putting sufficient grain in the wagons, and filling all the ships not only with grain but also with wine and all the necessities. 5.4. And they themselves supposed that they would find Martinus and Trajan and their men in the regions about Tarracina and go from there with them; but when they had come close they learned that a little before they had withdrawn to Rome, having been summoned. 5.5. And Belisarius, learning that John and his men were approaching, and fearing lest the enemy, meeting them in great numbers, should destroy them, did as follows. 5.6. The Flaminian Gate, close to which the enemy happened to be encamped, he himself had blocked up with masonry of stones at the beginning of this war, as I have said in the previous narrative, in order that the enemy might not easily be able from there either to force their way or to make any plot against the city. 5.7. And by reason of this it had come about that no engagement had taken place at this gate, nor did the barbarians suspect that anything hostile to them would come from there. 5.8. The masonry of this gate he took down by night, with no warning given to anyone at all, and prepared the greater part of the army there. 5.9. And at daybreak he sent Trajan and Diogenes through the Pincian Gate with a thousand horsemen, whom he ordered to shoot at the stockades and, when their opponents should come at them, to flee without any shame and ride at full speed up to the wall. 5.10. And some he stationed inside this postern. So Trajan and his men, just as Belisarius instructed them, kept provoking the barbarians, and the Goths, gathering from all the stockades, defended themselves against them. 5.11. And both sides came as quickly as possible to the wall of the city, the one giving the impression that they were fleeing, the others supposing that they were pursuing the enemy. 5.12. And Belisarius, as soon as he saw his opponents setting themselves to the pursuit, opened the Flaminian Gate and let loose his army upon the barbarians, who were not expecting it. 5.13. Now one of the camps of the Goths happened to be along the road there, and in front of it was a narrow place, craggy and terribly impassable. 5.14. There one of the barbarians, corselet-clad and exceedingly well-built in body, when he saw the enemy advancing, took his stand ahead of them and called to his comrades and bade them help guard the narrow place. 5.15. But Mundilas, anticipating him, both killed him and permitted none of the other barbarians to pass through this lane. 5.16. So passing through, with none withstanding them, they came to the nearby stockade, and some of them, making trial of it for a little while, were not able to take it because of the strength of the stockade, although not many barbarians had been left behind there. 5.17. For the trench had been dug to a great depth, and the earth that was taken out from it, being always thrown into the inner part, was raised to a height and served instead of a wall, and was palisaded around with stakes prodigiously, these being very sharp and numerous. 5.18. Trusting in these, the barbarians stoutly defended themselves against the enemy. But one of the guards of Belisarius, Aquilinus by name, a most energetic man, taking hold of the strap of a horse, leaped from there with his horse into the midst of the stockade and killed some of his opponents there. 5.19. And when his opponents surrounded him and hurled many javelins, his horse was struck and fell, but he himself, contrary to expectation, escaped through the midst of the enemy. 5.20. And on foot, with his comrades, he went toward the Pincian Gate. And catching the barbarians still pursuing and shooting them in the back, they killed them. 5.21. And when Trajan and his men observed this, the horsemen there who had been kept in readiness having come to their aid, they advanced at a run against the pursuers. 5.22. Then indeed the Goths, outgeneralled and caught unexpectedly in the midst of the enemy, were being killed in no order. 5.23. And there was great slaughter of them, and only a very few escaped with difficulty to the camps, while the rest, fearing for all the stockades, fenced themselves in there and remained for the rest of the time, supposing that the Romans would attack them at once. 5.24. In this action one of the barbarians struck Trajan in the face, above the right eye, 5.25. a little distance from the nose. And all the iron was driven inside and became wholly invisible, although it had a large point and was exceedingly long. But the rest of the missile fell to the ground straightway with no one forcing it; for it seems to me that the iron had not been fixed at all securely in him. 5.26. But Trajan had no sensation of this, but none the less continued killing and pursuing the enemy. And in the fifth year afterward the tip of the iron appeared of its own accord, projecting in his face. 5.27. And this is now the third year that little by little it has been coming out continually. It is to be expected, then, that after a long time the whole point will come out. But it has in no way been a hindrance to the man. Such, then, was the course of these things.

6.1. But the barbarians straightway began to despair of the war and to deliberate how they might withdraw from there, being destroyed by both the pestilence and the enemy, and having been reduced now from many tens of thousands to a few; and they were especially hard pressed by famine, in word besieging, but in deed besieged by their opponents and shut off from all the necessities. 6.2. And when they learned that another army was coming to the enemy by both land and sea from Byzantium—not so great as it actually was, but as great as the unbounded power of rumour was able to make it—being dismayed at the danger, they deliberated about their withdrawal. 6.3. They sent, therefore, envoys to Rome—a Roman man of repute among the Goths, with two others—who, coming to Belisarius, spoke as follows: 6.4. “That the war has turned out to the advantage of neither of us, each of us knows well, having come to the very experience of the hardships hereof. 6.5. For what would either of the two armies deny, when it has fallen to neither of them to lie in ignorance? 6.6. And that it is the part of senseless men to be willing to suffer endless toil for the sake of immediate contentiousness, and to find no release from their troubles, no one, I think, who is not foolish would gainsay. 6.7. And when these things are so, it behoves the leaders of both sides not to sacrifice the safety of their subjects to their own reputation, but to choose what is both just and advantageous not for themselves alone but also for their opponents, and thus to make a settlement of the present hardships. 6.8. For aiming at moderation gives a way through all difficulties, but to contentiousness it is natural that nothing of what is needful be accomplished. 6.9. We, then, having deliberated about the ending of this war, and offering what is advantageous to both, in which we think we are giving up something of justice as well, have come to you. 6.10. And may you too, not using any contentiousness toward us, resolve to choose what will profit yourselves rather than to be destroyed together with us. 6.11. And it is fitting that both make their speeches not in continuous discourse, but interrupting on the instant, 6.12. if anything seem to have been said unsuitably. For thus it will come about for both to have stated briefly all that is in their mind and to have done what is needful.” Belisarius answered: 6.13. “Thus, as you say, nothing shall hinder the dialogue from proceeding, provided what is said by you be peaceful and just.” 6.14. Again, then, the envoys of the Goths said: “You have wronged us, men of Rome, in taking up arms, as you ought not, against those who were friends and allies. And we shall say what we think each of you also knows along with us. 6.15. For the Goths did not acquire the land of Italy by taking it from the Romans by force, but Odoacer at one time, having deposed the emperor and changed the government here into a tyranny, held it. 6.16. And Zeno, then ruling the East and wishing both to avenge his fellow-emperor and to free this land from the tyrant, but being unable to overthrow the power of Odoacer, persuaded Theoderic our ruler, although he was about to besiege both him and Byzantium, to lay aside his enmity toward him, remembering the honour which he had already received from him—for he had become a patrician and consul of the Romans—and to take vengeance on Odoacer for his injustice toward Augustulus, and thereafter that he himself and the Goths should hold the land rightly and justly. 6.17. Thus, then, having taken over the rule of Italy, we have preserved both the laws and the government as well as any who have ever reigned, and of Theoderic or of anyone else who succeeded to the rule of the Goths there is no law at all, either written or unwritten. 6.18. And the matters of piety and faith toward God we have so exactly guarded for the Romans that not one of the Italians, willingly or unwillingly, has changed his belief to this day, and of the Goths who changed there has been no recall whatever. 6.19. And indeed the sacred places of the Romans have received from us the highest honour; for no one who fled for refuge to any of these has ever been violated by any man, but all the magistracies of the state the Romans themselves have continued to hold, 6.20. and no Goth has had a share in them. Or let someone come forward and refute us, if he thinks we have not spoken with truth. And one might add that the Goths conceded to the Romans even the dignity of the consulship, to receive it each year from the emperor of the East. 6.21. But you, these things being so, did not lay claim to Italy when it was being maltreated by the barbarians of Odoacer, although he wrought these terrible deeds not for a short time but for ten years; and now you do violence to those who possess it justly, though it in no way belongs to you. 6.22. Therefore stand out of our way from here, keeping what is your own and all that you have happened to plunder.” And Belisarius said: “Your promise foretold that what was said would be brief and moderate, but your speech has become long and not far from boastfulness for you. 6.23. For the emperor Zeno sent Theoderic to make war on Odoacer, not on condition that he himself should hold the rule of Italy; for why would it matter to the emperor to exchange one tyrant for another? But on condition that it should be free and subject to the emperor. 6.24. But he, after settling matters with regard to the tyrant well, in other respects used a thanklessness that was not within moderate bounds; for he never resolved to give back the land to its master. 6.25. And I, for my part, hold that both he who uses force and he who does not willingly give back his neighbour's property are equal. I, then, would never give over the emperor's land to anyone else. 6.26. But if you wish to obtain anything else, I give you leave to speak.” 6.27. And the barbarians said: “That all has been spoken truly by us has escaped none of you. But we, in order that we may seem least of all to be contentious, give up to you even Sicily, which is so great in size and so rich, without which it is not possible for you to hold Libya in safety.” 6.28. And Belisarius said: “And we, in turn, concede to the Goths the possession of all Britain, which is much greater than Sicily and was subject to the Romans from of old. 6.29. For it is right to requite with equal favours those who have begun some benefaction or kindness.” 6.30. The barbarians: “Then if we should say something to you about Campania too, or about Naples itself, would you not accept it?” 6.31. Belisarius: “For we are not authorized to administer the emperor's affairs otherwise than as is his will.” The barbarians: “Not even if we should appoint ourselves to bring fixed sums of money to the emperor each year?” 6.32. Belisarius: “No indeed. For we have authority over nothing else than to guard the land for its owner.” 6.33. The barbarians: “Come then, we must needs send to the emperor and make the agreements concerning everything with him. And it is necessary also to fix a definite time within which the armies should come to a truce.” 6.34. Belisarius: “So be it; let these things be done. For I shall never stand in your way when you deliberate for peace.” 6.35. Having said thus much, both parties broke off from the discussion, and the envoys of the Goths withdrew to their own camp. 6.36. And in the following days, going frequently to and fro to each other, they arranged matters concerning the truce, and how, in regard to it, each side should furnish to the other some of their notable men in the position of hostages.

7.1. While these things were being done here, in the meantime both the fleet of the Isaurians put in at the harbour of the Romans and John and his men came to Ostia, and none of the enemy was a hindrance to them either as they came to land or as they encamped. 7.2. But in order that they might be able to pass the night in safety from a sudden attack by their opponents, the Isaurians dug a deep trench close to the harbour and always kept watches in rotation, and John's men, fencing their camp with the wagons, kept quiet. 7.3. And when night came on, Belisarius came to Ostia with a hundred horsemen, and telling what had happened in the engagement and the agreements made between themselves and the Goths, and encouraging them in other ways, he ordered them to send on the cargoes and to go with eagerness to Rome. “For how,” he said, “the road shall be 7.4. without danger I shall provide.” So he himself rode back to the city at deep dawn, and Antonina with the commanders, at daybreak, took counsel about the conveyance of the cargoes. 7.5. And the matter seemed difficult and terribly hard. For the oxen could no longer hold out, but all lay half-dead, and it was not safe to travel a certain narrow road with the wagons, and to haul the barges up through the river, as was the ancient custom, was impossible. 7.6. For the road which is on the left of the river, as I have said in the previous narrative, being held by the enemy, was at that time impassable for the Romans, and the road on the other side, at least so much as is along the bank, happens to be altogether untrodden. 7.7. Wherefore, selecting the skiffs of the larger ships and walling them around with high boards, in order that those sailing might be least exposed to the missiles of the enemy, they put aboard archers and sailors in proportion to each. 7.8. And loading into them as much of the cargoes as they were able to carry, they sailed up the Tiber to Rome, watching for a wind favourable to them, and a part of the army went along on the right of the river as escort. 7.9. And they left a number of the Isaurians to guard the ships. Now wherever the river went straight on, they sailed with no toil, raising the sails of the skiffs; but where the current, winding, bore on a slanting course, there, since the sails were of no use because of the wind, the sailors, rowing and forcing the current, had no slight toil. 7.10. And the barbarians, sitting in their camps, were not at all willing to become a hindrance to the enemy, either because they dreaded the danger, or because they thought the Romans would never bring in any of the necessities by this route, and considered it inexpedient, for a cause not worthy of mention, to thwart the hope of the truce, which Belisarius had confirmed by his promise. 7.11. The Goths, however, who were in Portus, watching the enemy always sailing past at very close range, by no means laid hold of them, but sat astounded at their own thought. 7.12. And when, sailing up in the same way many times, they had brought in all the cargoes at their will, the sailors with their ships withdrew quickly (for it was now about the time of the winter solstice), and the rest of the army entered Rome, except indeed that Paulus remained at Ostia with some of the Isaurians. 7.13. After this they gave hostages to each other for the truce—the Romans Zeno, and the Goths Ulias, a man not obscure—on condition that for three months they should make no attack upon each other, until the envoys returning from Byzantium should announce the decision of the emperor. 7.14. And if either side should begin any wrongdoing against their opponents, the envoys would none the less be given back to their own nation. 7.15. So the envoys of the barbarians went to Byzantium with the Romans escorting them, and Ildiger, the son-in-law of Antonina, came to Rome from Libya with not a few horsemen. 7.16. And the Goths who held the fort in Portus, the necessities having failed them, abandoned it by the decision of Wittigis, and came, summoned, to the camp; and Paulus, occupying it with the Isaurians from Ostia, held it. 7.17. And the chief cause of the want of provisions for these barbarians was that the Romans held the mastery of the sea and did not permit any of the necessities to be brought in to them. 7.18. For which reason, being in want of provisions, they abandoned at the same time a city by the sea, well worthy of account, Centumcellae by name. 7.19. The city is large and populous, lying in Tuscany to the west of Rome, two hundred and eighty stades distant from it. 7.20. And the Romans, occupying it, came to a still greater measure of power, since they held also the town of Alba, lying to the east of Rome—the enemy having withdrawn from there at that time for the same reason—and now, having encircled the barbarians on all sides, they held them in the midst. 7.21. Wherefore the Goths were eager both to break the agreements and to do some mischief to the Romans. Sending, then, envoys to Belisarius, they said that they had been wronged during the truce; 7.22. for since Wittigis had summoned the Goths in Portus for some need, Paulus and the Isaurians had seized and held the fort there with no right. 7.23. And they made this same complaint with regard to Alba and Centumcellae, putting it in words, and threatened that, if he did not give these back to them, they would not endure it. 7.24. But Belisarius dismissed them with laughter, saying that this complaint was a mere pretext, and that no one was ignorant of why the Goths had abandoned these places. 7.25. And for the rest they treated each other with a certain suspicion. After this Belisarius, when he saw Rome flourishing with a multitude of soldiers, sent some horsemen to regions far distant from Rome, and ordered John, the nephew of Vitalian, with the horsemen following him, eight hundred in number, to winter about the city of Alba, lying in Picenum; 7.26. and he sent with him four hundred of those following Valerianus, whom Damianus the nephew of Valerianus commanded, and eight hundred men of his own guards, exceedingly good in matters of war. 7.27. And over them he set two spearmen, Suntas and Adegis, and he ordered them to follow John wherever he should lead; and to John he gave instruction that, as long as he saw the enemy keeping the agreements made with them, he should stay quietly; but when it should come about that the truce was broken for them, he should do as follows: 7.28. with his whole army suddenly and by a sudden raid he should overrun the land of Picenum, going about all the regions there in order and arriving in person ahead of the report. 7.29. For of almost all that country no men at all had been left, since all, as it appears, had marched against Rome, but the children and wives of the enemy and their goods were everywhere. 7.30. He was therefore to enslave and to plunder everything in his path, taking care never to harm any of the Romans dwelling there. 7.31. And if anywhere he should come upon a place having men and a fortification, as is likely, he should make trial of it with all his might. 7.32. And if he should be able to take it, he should go on; but if the matter, as might chance, withstood him, he should ride back or stay where he was. 7.33. For if he went forward and left this fortification behind him, there would be great danger for a long time, since they would never be able to defend themselves easily, if they should be troubled by their opponents. And he was to guard all the booty, in order that the army might distribute it rightly and justly. 7.34. Then with a laugh he added this also: “For it is not just that the drones be destroyed with great toil by some, while others enjoy the honey with no hardship.” Having given so many instructions, Belisarius sent John with the army. 7.35. And about the same time both Datius, the bishop of Mediolanum, and notable men of the citizens, coming to Rome, begged Belisarius to send a few guards with them. 7.36. For they affirmed that they were themselves sufficient, with no trouble, both to bring over from the Goths not Mediolanum only but the whole of Liguria, and to recover it for the emperor. 7.37. This city is situated in Liguria, lying about midway between the city of Ravenna and the Alps which are on the borders of the Gauls; 7.38. for from either side it is a journey of eight days to it for an unencumbered man; and it was the first of the cities of the West, after Rome at least, in size and in population and in the rest of its prosperity. And Belisarius, promising to fulfil their request, kept them there during the winter season.

8.1. These things, then, were thus. But the envy of fortune was already swelling against the Romans, when she saw their affairs going forward well and fairly, and wishing to mingle these with some evil, she devised a quarrel from no cause worthy of mention between Belisarius and Constantinus, the manner of whose origin and the issue in which it ended I now proceed to tell. 8.2. There was a certain Presidius, a Roman man, dwelling at Ravenna, and not obscure. This Presidius, because he had given offence to the Goths, at the time when Wittigis was about to march against Rome, fled with a few of his servants, setting out ostensibly for a hunt, neither communicating his plan to anyone nor having any of his goods with him, except indeed that he himself carried two daggers, the sheaths of which happened to be adorned with much gold and precious stones. And when he came to Spolitium, he lodged in a certain church outside the wall. 8.3. And Constantinus, hearing of this (for he happened to be still staying there), sent one of his guards, Maxentiolus, and took away both the daggers with no right. 8.4. And the man, being grievously distressed at what had befallen him, set out for Rome to Belisarius as quickly as possible; and there not long afterward Constantinus too arrived, for the army of the Goths was now reported to be not far off. 8.5. So long, then, as the affairs of the Romans stood in confusion and danger, Presidius remained silent; but when he saw the affairs of the Romans superior and the envoys of the Goths sent to the emperor, as I have said before, going frequently to Belisarius, he reported the wrong and begged that justice be done him. 8.6. And Belisarius, blaming Constantinus much both himself and through others, exhorted him to free himself from an unjust deed and shameful repute. 8.7. But Constantinus (for it was fated that evil should come to him) always thrust aside his words with mockery and jeered at the man who had been wronged. 8.8. And once when Belisarius was riding on horseback in the forum, Presidius met him and laid hold of the bridle of the horse, and crying out loudly asked whether the laws of the emperor said this, that whenever anyone, fleeing the barbarians, should come as a suppliant to them, these men should take away by force whatever he happened to have in his hands. 8.9. And when many people stood around and ordered him with threats to let go the bridle, he did not let go before Belisarius promised that he would give him the daggers. 8.10. So on the next day Belisarius, calling Constantinus and many of the commanders together into a certain small room in the Palatium, reminded them of what had happened the day before and exhorted Constantinus, late though it was, to give back the daggers. 8.11. But he said he would not give them; for he would more gladly throw them into the water of the Tiber than give them to Presidius. 8.12. And Belisarius, now seized with anger, asked whether Constantinus did not think he was under his command. And he agreed that in all other respects he would obey him in everything, for this was the emperor's will; this, however, which he was now ordering, he would never do. 8.13. So Belisarius ordered the guards to come in, and Constantinus said, “In order, of course, that they may kill me.” “By no means,” Belisarius said, “but in order that they may compel your guard Maxentiolus, who brought you the daggers by force, to give back to the man what he 8.14. took from him by violence.” But Constantinus, thinking he would be killed at once, wished to do some great thing before he himself should suffer anything. 8.15. Wherefore he drew the dagger which hung at his thigh and suddenly thrust it at the belly of Belisarius. But he, struck with consternation, started back and, throwing his arms around Bessas, who was standing somewhere near, managed to escape. 8.16. So Constantinus, still seething with anger, kept coming on, but Ildiger and Valerianus, observing what was being done, the one laying hold of his right hand and the other of his other hand, drew him back. 8.17. And in the meantime the guards came in whom Belisarius had called a little before, and seized the dagger from the hand of Constantinus with much force, and laying hold of him with great tumult, did him no harm at the moment, out of respect for the commanders present, I suppose, but leading him off to another room, at the order of Belisarius, 8.18. they killed him some time later. This is the only deed wrought by Belisarius that was unholy and in no way worthy of his character; for he used great fairness toward all others. But it was fated, as has been said, that evil should come to Constantinus.

9.1. And the Goths not long afterward wished to do mischief to the wall of Rome. And first they let down some men by night into one of the aqueducts, from which they themselves at the beginning of this war had taken away the water. 9.2. And these, holding lamps and torches in their hands, made trial of the entrance into the city from there. Now it happened that a certain conduit not far from the Pincian postern had an arch of this aqueduct, 9.3. from which one of the guards, catching sight of the fire, told his fellow-guards; but they said that they had seen a wolf passing by there. 9.4. For at this point it chanced that the structure of the aqueduct did not rise above the ground, and they supposed that the wolf's eyes resembled fire. 9.5. So those of the barbarians who made trial of the aqueduct, when they had come into the middle of the city, where there was a way up from of old leading to the very Palatium, came upon a structure there which neither permitted them to go forward for the rest of the way nor to use the ascent at all. 9.6. This structure Belisarius had made out of forethought at the beginning of this siege, as has been shown by me in the previous narrative. 9.7. So taking away one small stone from there, they resolved to turn back at once, and returning to Wittigis and displaying the stone, they reported everything. 9.8. And he deliberated about the plot with the best of the Goths, while those of the Romans who kept guard about the Pincian postern made mention among themselves on the next day of their suspicion about the wolf. 9.9. And when the report, going about, came to Belisarius, the general did not hear the matter carelessly, but immediately sent men of repute in the camp with Diogenes the spearman down into the aqueduct, and ordered them to search everything with great speed. 9.10. And they found the lamps of the enemy and as much of the torches as had dropped about everywhere in the aqueduct, and observing the structure where the stone had been taken away by the Goths, they reported it to Belisarius. 9.11. Wherefore he himself kept the aqueduct under great guard, and the Goths, perceiving this, abstained from that attempt. 9.12. Then the barbarians contrived an open assault against the wall. So watching for the time of luncheon and bringing ladders and fire, when the enemy were least expecting it, they advanced against the Pincian postern, bold in the hope of taking the city by a sudden raid, since not many soldiers had been left there. 9.13. Now it happened that Ildiger at that time was holding guard with his followers; for each took their turn at the watch in rotation. 9.14. So when he saw the enemy approaching not in order, he met them as they came not drawn up in line of battle but advancing with much disorder, and routing those against him with no trouble, he killed many. 9.15. And when a great shout and confusion had naturally arisen throughout the city, the Romans as quickly as possible flowed together to all parts of the wall, and the barbarians, having accomplished nothing, withdrew to the camps not long afterward. 9.16. But Wittigis again set himself to plotting against the wall. And, since there was a certain portion of it most assailable, where the bank of the Tiber is—for at this point the ancient Romans, trusting in the defence of the water, had built the wall carelessly, making it low and altogether without towers—he hoped to take the city more easily from there. For there happened to be no garrison worthy of account there. 9.17. So he persuaded with money two Romans who dwelt near the church of Peter the Apostle to go, carrying a skin of wine, to the guards there about lamp-lighting time, and to give them the wine, in whatever way they could, as a show of friendliness, and then to sit drinking with them far into the night, and to throw into the cup of each a sleeping-drug which he himself had given them. 9.18. And he secretly held in readiness boats on the other bank, with which some of the barbarians, as soon as the guards should be held by sleep, crossing the river with ladders at a single signal, were to make the assault upon the wall. 9.19. And he was preparing his whole army for this, in order that the entire city might be taken by force. 9.20. But when these things had been thus arranged by them, one of the two men prepared for this service to Wittigis (for it was not fated that the Romans should be taken by this camp of the Goths), coming of his own accord, told Belisarius everything and pointed out the other. 9.21. And he, being tortured, brought to light all that he was about to do, and showed the drug which Wittigis had given him. 9.22. And Belisarius, mutilating his nose and ears, sent him to the stockade of the enemy mounted on an ass. 9.23. And when the barbarians saw him, they knew that God did not allow their plans to go on their way, and that for this reason the city would never be capturable by them.

10.1. While these things were going on, in the meantime Belisarius, writing to John, ordered him to set to work. And he, with the two thousand horsemen, going about the land of Picenum, plundered everything in his path, making the children and wives of the enemy into the account of slaves. 10.2. And Ulitheus, the uncle of Wittigis, having met him with an army of Goths, he conquered in battle and killed him and almost the whole army of the enemy. 10.3. Wherefore no one any longer dared to come to close quarters with him. And when he had come to the city of Auximus, he learned that there was there no garrison of Goths worthy of mention, but he perceived that the place was otherwise strong and impregnable. 10.4. And on account of this he was by no means willing to besiege it, but departing from there as quickly as possible, he drove on forward. 10.5. And this same thing he did about the city of Urbinus, and into Ariminum, the Romans inviting him, he rode in, which is distant a day's journey from Ravenna. 10.6. So the barbarians who held the garrison there, having great suspicion toward the Romans who were the inhabitants, when they learned that this army was advancing, withdrew, and going at a run came to Ravenna. 10.7. Thus John held Ariminum, leaving behind him a garrison of the enemy in both Auximus and Urbinus—not because he had come to forget the instructions of Belisarius, nor because he was gripped by unreasoning rashness, since with energy he had also prudence, but reckoning, as it turned out, that if the Goths should learn that the Roman army was somewhere close to Ravenna, they would immediately break off the siege at Rome, 10.8. fearing for this place. And he hit upon the true opinion. For when Wittigis and the army of the Goths heard that Ariminum was held by him, falling into great fear for Ravenna and taking no other thing of all into account, they made their withdrawal directly, 10.9. as I shall presently tell. And John won great glory from this exploit, being renowned even before. 10.10. For he was both daring and a man who acted with his own hands among the foremost, unshrinking in dangers, and he always maintained a hard mode of life and a certain hardship, second to no barbarian whatever or any soldier. Such, then, was John. 10.11. And Matasuntha, the wife of Wittigis, being terribly distressed at her husband, because he had come to her bed at the first by force, when she learned that John had come to Ariminum, became simply overjoyed, and sending to him secretly, came to discourse about marriage and treachery. 10.12. And they, sending always in secret from the others, were doing these things. But the Goths, when they had learned about Ariminum, and at the same time all the necessities had failed them together, and the period of three months had already expired, made their withdrawal, although they had not yet learned anything on account of the envoys. 10.13. It was about the spring equinox, and a year had been spent in the siege and nine days more, when the Goths, having burnt all their stockades, at daybreak set out on the march. 10.14. And the Romans, seeing their opponents fleeing, were at a loss how they should deal with the present situation. For the mass of the horsemen happened not to be present at that time, others having been sent off here and there, as I have said before, and they did not think themselves a match for so great a multitude of the enemy. Belisarius, however, armed all, both foot and horse. 10.15. And when he saw that more than half of the enemy had crossed the bridge, he led out the army through the Pincian Gate, and the battle was at close quarters, no less than any of the former ones. 10.16. And at the beginning, while the barbarians stoutly withstood the enemy, many on both sides fell in the first engagement; but afterward the Goths, being turned, made for themselves a great and prodigious disaster. 10.17. For each one was eager to cross the bridge first. From this, coming into much crowding, they suffered the most terrible things; for they were being killed both by their own men and by the enemy. 10.18. And many fell from the bridge on either side into the Tiber and perished, sinking under the weight of their arms. Thus, having lost the most of their men, the rest joined those who had crossed before. 10.19. And Longinus the Isaurian and Mundilas, the guards of Belisarius, distinguished themselves above all in this battle. But Mundilas, coming to close quarters with four barbarians one by one, killed them all and himself was saved; 10.20. while Longinus, having been most responsible for the rout of the enemy, fell there, leaving great regret for himself to the Roman army.

11.1. So Wittigis, going with the remaining army toward Ravenna, strengthened the fortifications of the places with a multitude of garrisons, leaving in Clusium, the city of the Tuscans, a thousand men and Gibimer as commander, and in Urbiventus the same number, over whom he set as commander Albilas, a Goth; and Uligisalus he left in Tudera with four hundred. 11.2. And in the land of Picenum he left four hundred in the fort of Petra, who had also dwelt there before, and in Auximus, which is the greatest of all the cities there, he left four thousand Goths gathered for their valour, and as commander an exceedingly energetic man, Visandus by name, and with Moras two thousand in the city of Urbinus. 11.3. There are also two other forts, Caesena and Monteferetra, in each of which he established a garrison of no fewer than five hundred men. And he himself went with the rest of the army straight to Ariminum to besiege it. 11.4. Now it happened that Belisarius, as soon as the Goths broke off the siege, had sent Ildiger and Martinus with a thousand horsemen, in order that, going more quickly by another road, they might forestall the enemy in reaching Ariminum, and he instructed them to remove John and all his men from there as quickly as possible, and in their place to establish many men most sufficient for the guarding of the city, taking them from a fort which is by the Ionian Gulf, Ancon by name, 11.5. two days' journey distant from Ariminum. For he had not long before occupied it, sending Conon with an army of Isaurians and Thracians, not a small one. 11.6. For he hoped that, if foot-soldiers alone, with no commanders of note present, held Ariminum, the Goths would never bring their power to the siege of it, but would disregard it and go straight to Ravenna; and if they should wish to besiege Ariminum, the provisions would suffice the foot-soldiers for a longer time; 11.7. and that two thousand horsemen, going outside with the rest of the army, would, as is likely, work much harm to the enemy and would more easily force them to the breaking off of the siege. 11.8. With such a purpose Belisarius gave these instructions to Martinus and Ildiger. And they, journeying by the Flaminian Way, went far ahead of the barbarians. 11.9. For inasmuch as the Goths were in a great throng, they journeyed more slowly, and were compelled to make certain long circuits both because of the want of necessities and because they were least willing to go close to the fortifications on the Flaminian Way, since the enemy, as has been shown by me before, held Narnia and Spolitium and Perusia. 11.10. And the Roman army, when they came upon Petra, making it a side-task of the road, made trial of the fort there. Now this fortification men did not build, but the nature of the place discovered it; for the road is exceedingly precipitous. 11.11. On the right of this road a certain river, impassable for anyone because of the swiftness of its current, comes down, and on the left, not far off, a rock rises, sheer and reaching to such a height that men who, as may chance, stand on the summit appear to those below to be like the smallest birds in size. 11.12. And to one going forward there was anciently no passage. For the rock, ending, reaches to the very current of the river, offering no crossing to those who go that way. 11.13. So the men of old, working a passage there, made a postern for the place at this point. 11.14. And blocking up most of the other entrance, except indeed that a postern was left there too, they made a self-grown fort and called it Petra, with a fitting name. 11.15. So Martinus and Ildiger and their men first fought at one of the posterns and shot many missiles but accomplished nothing, although the barbarians there scarcely defended themselves; then, forcing their way up the ascent behind through the precipitous part, they cast stones down from the height upon the Goths. 11.16. And these, entering their houses at a run and with much tumult, kept quiet. And then the Romans, since they could not hit any of the enemy with their casts of stones, devised the following. 11.17. Making great fragments out of the cliff, and many of them pushing them together, they hurled them, aiming, upon the houses. 11.18. And these, wherever they touched the structure, even slightly, in falling shook everything sufficiently and brought the barbarians into great fear. 11.19. Wherefore the Goths held out their hands to those who were still at the postern and surrendered themselves together with the fort by agreement, on condition that they should remain unharmed, being slaves of the emperor and subjects of Belisarius. 11.20. And of them Ildiger and Martinus took up the most and led them along with themselves on equal and like terms, but some few they left there with their children and wives. And they left also a Roman garrison. 11.21. And going from there to Ancon and taking many of the foot-soldiers there, they reached Ariminum on the third day and announced the decision of Belisarius. 11.22. But John was not willing to follow himself, and kept Damianus with the four hundred. And the others, leaving their foot-soldiers there, withdrew quickly from there with the guards and shield-bearers of Belisarius.

12.1. And Wittigis not long afterward came with his whole army to Ariminum, where, encamping, they besieged it. And straightway, having built a wooden tower higher than the wall of the city, supported on four wheels, they brought it up to the wall where it seemed to them most assailable. 12.2. And in order that they might not suffer what it had befallen them to suffer before the wall of Rome, they did not bring the tower by means of oxen, but, hiding themselves inside, they dragged it. 12.3. There was a stairway inside the tower, exceedingly broad, by which the multitude of the barbarians was to go up easily, having the hope that, as soon as they should bring the tower against the wall, they would from there with no trouble mount onto the battlements; for so had the height of the tower been made for them. 12.4. So when they had come close to the wall with this engine, then for the moment they stayed quietly, since it was already growing dark, and stationing guards about the tower they all bivouacked, thinking that there would be no obstacle whatever for them. 12.5. For there was no other hindrance, nor any trench between, except a quite shallow one. And the Romans passed the night in great fear, thinking they would perish on the following day. 12.6. But John, neither despairing before the danger nor thrown into confusion by fear, devised the following. Leaving the rest in the watch-stations, he himself with the Isaurians, who carried mattocks and other such tools, at an unseasonable hour of the night, with no warning given to anyone at all, going outside the wall, ordered them to dig the trench in silence. 12.7. And they did so, and the earth which they took up from there they always placed on the other side of the trench, toward the part by the wall, which served them there instead of a wall. 12.8. And escaping the notice of the enemy, who were sleeping for the most part, they made in a short time a trench both deep and of sufficient breadth, just where the wall was most assailable and where the barbarians were to make their assault with the engine. 12.9. But the enemy, far into the night perceiving what was being done, ran to the aid of those against the diggers, and John with the Isaurians, when matters about the trench were as well as possible for him, got inside the wall. 12.10. And Wittigis at daybreak, observing what had been done and grievously distressed at what had happened, put to death some of the guards, but none the less, being eager to bring up the engine, ordered the Goths quickly to throw a quantity of faggots into the trench, and thus to bring the tower along, dragging it there. 12.11. And they did this, as Wittigis ordered, with all eagerness, although the enemy defended themselves most stoutly from the wall. But the faggots, when the tower fell upon them, being weighed down, as was natural, gave way below. 12.12. Wherefore the barbarians could by no means go forward with the engine, since the ascent became for them much steeper still, where the Romans, as I have said, had heaped up the earth. 12.13. Fearing, then, lest, when night came on, the enemy should sally out and burn the engine, 12.14. they dragged it back again. And John, being eager to prevent this with all his power, armed his soldiers and, calling them all together, exhorted them as follows: 12.15. “Men who share this danger with us, if it is pleasing to any of you both to live and to see those who have been left at home, let him know that he holds the hope of these things on nothing else than on his own hands. 12.16. For when Belisarius first sent us out, both hope of many things and desire urged us to eagerness for the task. 12.17. For we neither suspected that we should be besieged in a land by the sea, the Romans thus holding mastery of the sea, nor would anyone have supposed that the emperor's army would so overlook us. 12.18. And apart from these things, then it was both the display of our goodwill toward the state and the glory that would come from the contests among all men that urged us to courage. 12.19. But now we cannot survive except through valour, and it is necessary for no other reason than our own preservation to undertake this danger. 12.20. So that if it falls to any of you to lay claim to valour, it is in their power, playing the man, to become glorious, if anyone ever did. 12.21. For they win good fame not who have overcome inferiors, but those who, being inferior in equipment, conquer by greatness of soul. 12.22. And for those in whom love of life is more deeply implanted, it is especially to them that being bold will be of profit, since all, for the most part, whose affairs stand on a razor's edge, as ours do now, would be saved by despising dangers alone.” 12.23. Having said so much, John led out the army against the enemy, leaving some few on the battlements. 12.24. And as the enemy manfully withstood them, the battle became exceedingly fierce. And the barbarians with difficulty and late in the day were able to bring the tower back to their own camp. 12.25. But they lost so great a multitude of their fighting men that they no longer resolved to make assault on the wall for the rest of the time, but giving up, they remained quiet, waiting for the enemy, hard pressed by famine, to come over to them. For all the provisions had now utterly failed them, since they did not find from where they might bring them in sufficiently. 12.26. These things, then, happened thus. And Belisarius sent to those who had come from Mediolanum a thousand Isaurians and Thracians. 12.27. And Ennes led the Isaurians, and Paulus the Thracians, and Mundilas was in command over all, and himself commanded, having some few of the guards of Belisarius. And there was with them also Fidelius, who had been prefect of the court. 12.28. For setting out from Mediolanum, he seemed a suitable man to follow this army, inasmuch as he had some power among the Ligurians. 12.29. So sailing from the harbour of the Romans, they put in at Genua, which is the last city of Tuscany and is well placed for the coasting voyage to the Gauls and the Spaniards. 12.30. There, leaving their ships and travelling by the road, they advanced, putting the skiffs of the ships in the wagons, in order that when they crossed the river Padus there might be no hindrance to them. 12.31. Thus, then, they made the crossing of the river. And when, having crossed the Padus, they came to the city of Ticinum, the Goths met them and came to close quarters. 12.32. And they were both many and excellent, since all the barbarians who dwelt there had deposited the most precious of their goods in Ticinum, as in a place having a strong fortification, and had left a garrison there worthy of account. 12.33. So when a fierce battle had taken place, the Romans were victorious, and routing their opponents they destroyed many and came near to taking the city in the pursuit. For the barbarians barely managed to shut the gates, the enemy pressing close upon them. 12.34. And as the Romans were riding back, Fidelius, in order to pray, remained last at one of the churches there. And by some chance his horse stumbled and he fell. 12.35. And the Goths, observing him, since he had fallen close to the wall, sallied out and killed him, unobserved by the enemy. And when Mundilas and the Romans afterward perceived this, they were grieved. 12.36. And from there they came to the city of Mediolanum and held it without a battle, together with the rest of Liguria. 12.37. When Wittigis learned this, he quickly sent a large army and Uraïas as commander, his own nephew. 12.38. And Theudibert too, the chief of the Franks, at his request sent ten thousand men for alliance—not Franks themselves, but Burgundians, in order that he might not seem to be wronging the emperor's affairs. 12.39. For the Burgundians were of their own will and by an independent decision, not obeying Theudibert's command, sent ostensibly. And the Goths, having mingled with these, came to Mediolanum, the Romans least expecting it, and encamping, besieged it. And so the Romans were unable to bring in any of the provisions, but straightway were distressed by the want of necessities. 12.40. Nor indeed did the soldiers hold the guard of the wall, since Mundilas happened to have occupied the cities which, being close to Mediolanum, had fortifications—Bergomum and Comum and Novaria and certain other towns—and having established garrisons worthy of account everywhere, he himself with about three hundred remained in Mediolanum, and with him Ennes and Paulus. 12.41. So that of necessity the inhabitants of the city always held the guard in rotation. The affairs in Liguria, then, were carried on thus, and the winter was ending, and the third year of this war which Procopius has written was coming to a close.

13.1. And Belisarius about the summer solstice went against Wittigis and the camp of the Goths, leaving some few in Rome for the sake of a garrison, but bringing all the rest with himself. 13.2. And sending some men to Tudera and Clusium, he ordered them to make stockades, since he intended to follow them and to help besiege the barbarians there. 13.3. And they, when they learned that the army was advancing, did not withstand the danger but sent envoys to Belisarius and promised to surrender both themselves and each city by agreement, on condition that they should remain unharmed. And when he arrived they fulfilled their promise. 13.4. And he, removing all the Goths from there, sent them to Sicily and Naples, and establishing a garrison in Clusium and Tudera, led the army forward. 13.5. In the meantime Wittigis, sending another army and Vacimus as commander to Auximus, ordered them to mingle with the Goths there, and with them, going against the enemy in Ancon, to make trial of the fort there. 13.6. Now this Ancon is a certain elbow-shaped rock, from which it has received this name; for it is for the most part like an elbow (ankon). 13.7. And it is distant about eighty stades from the city of Auximus, of which it is the port. And the fortification of the fort lies in safety on the elbow-shaped rock, but all the buildings outside, though they are many, 13.8. were from of old without a wall. And Conon, who had been set over the guard of the place, as soon as he heard that Vacimus and his men were advancing and were already not far off, made a display of unreasoning judgement. 13.9. For thinking it a trifling matter to preserve the fort and its inhabitants together with the soldiers unharmed, he left the fortification altogether destitute of soldiers, and leading them all out about five stades, he drew them up as if for a pitched battle, not making the phalanx deep, but so as to surround the whole foot of the hill as if for a hunt. 13.10. And these, when they saw the enemy far surpassing them in numbers, turning their backs, fled straightway to the fort. 13.11. And the barbarians, pursuing, killed there most of them, all who did not succeed in getting inside the wall, and setting ladders against the wall, made trial of the ascent. And some set fire to the houses outside the fort. 13.12. And the Romans who also before had dwelt in the fort, struck with consternation at the present situation, opening the postern before, received the soldiers as they fled in no order. 13.13. And when they saw the barbarians pressing close upon the fugitives, fearing lest they should burst in along with them, they quickly shut the gates, and letting down nooses from the battlements, they drew up and saved some others and Conon himself. 13.14. The barbarians, however, going up by the ladders, came near to taking the fort by force, had not two men, displaying marvellous deeds, thrust back by their valour those who had already got onto the battlements—of whom the one was a guard of Belisarius from Thrace, Ulimuth by name, and the other of Valerianus, Gouboulgoudou, 13.15. a Massagete by race. For these two men had by some chance sailed in a little before to Ancon; and in this struggle, defending themselves with their swords against those who came up, they saved the fort contrary to expectation, but were themselves carried off from there half-dead and with their whole bodies hacked. 13.16. At that time it was reported to Belisarius that Narses had come from Byzantium with a large army and was in Picenum. Now this Narses was a eunuch and steward of the royal treasures, but otherwise keen and more energetic than would befit a eunuch. 13.17. And five thousand soldiers followed him, of whom others led by companies, and Justinus the general of the Illyrians, and another Narses, a deserter to the Roman manner of life from the Armenians subject to the Persians, who had come previously with his brother Aratius, who had come a little before with another army to Belisarius. 13.18. And there followed him also about two thousand of the nation of the Eruli, whom Visandus and Aluith and Phanitheus commanded.

14.1. Who in the world the Eruli are, and whence they came into alliance with the Romans, I now proceed to tell. They dwelt of old beyond the Ister river, holding the belief in a great throng of gods, whom they thought it holy to propitiate even with sacrifices of human beings. 14.2. And they used many customs not in accordance with those of other men. For it was not permitted them to live when they grew old or fell sick, but whenever one of them was seized either by age or by sickness, it became necessary for him to ask his kinsmen to remove him from among men as quickly as possible. 14.3. And they, heaping up much wood to a great height and seating the man on top of the wood, would send to him one of the Eruli, but a stranger, with a dagger; 14.4. for it was not lawful for the slayer to be a kinsman of his. And when the slayer of their kinsman returned, they straightway burned all the wood, beginning from the edges. 14.5. And when the flame had ceased for them, gathering the bones, they immediately hid them in the earth. 14.6. And when an Erulian man died, it was necessary for his wife, if she laid claim to virtue and wished to leave a good name for herself, to die not long afterward by fastening a noose beside the tomb of her husband. 14.7. And if she did not do this, it remained for her for the future to be without repute and to have given offence to the kinsmen of her husband. Such, then, were the customs the Eruli used of old. 14.8. But as time went on, having become superior in power and in numbers to all the barbarians around them, and attacking, as was natural, 14.9. they conquered each in turn and by force plundered them. And at last they made the Lombards, who were Christians, and certain other nations subject to themselves in the payment of tribute—a thing not customary to the barbarians there, but they had been led to it by love of money and by arrogance. 14.10. When, however, Anastasius took over the empire of the Romans, the Eruli, having no men left against whom they could go, laid down their arms and remained quiet, and a period of three years was spent by them in this peace. 14.11. And they, being exceedingly distressed, reviled their ruler Rodulphus without restraint, and going constantly to him, called him soft and womanish, and abused him in no orderly fashion with certain other names, taunting him. 14.12. And Rodulphus, bearing the insult by no means well, marched against the Lombards who were doing no wrong, neither bringing any charge of fault against them nor pretending any breaking of the agreements, 14.13. but bringing a war that had no cause. And when the Lombards learned of this by report, sending to Rodulphus, they inquired and saw fit to ask the reason for which the Eruli were going in arms against them, agreeing that, if they had withheld anything of the tribute, they would pay it at once with much added; but if they complained that the tribute set for them was moderate, the Lombards would never be slow to make it greater. 14.14. These things the envoys offered, but Rodulphus dismissed them with a threat and drove forward. And they again, sending other envoys to him, entreated and besought much concerning the same things. 14.15. When these second envoys too had been sent away, a third embassy coming to him forbade the Eruli to bring upon them a war without pretext. 14.16. For if those men should go against them with such a purpose, they too, not willingly but as being most compelled, would array themselves against the attackers, calling God to witness, of whose inclination even the very slightest weight at all would be set against all the power of men; and it was likely that he, being moved by the causes of the war, would adjudge for both the issue of the battle. 14.17. These things they said, thinking thereby to frighten the attackers, but the Eruli, holding back nothing of all, resolved to come to close quarters with the Lombards. 14.18. And when both armies had come close to each other, it came about that the air above the Lombards was covered by a black and exceedingly thick cloud, while above the Eruli there was prodigious clear sky. 14.19. From which, judging by signs, one would have guessed that the Eruli were going to the engagement to their own harm; for there can be no more bitter portent for barbarians setting themselves to battle than this. 14.20. The Eruli, however, did not even pay attention to this, but altogether disregarding it, with much contempt advanced against the enemy, measuring the issue of the war by the multitude of their throng. 14.21. But when the battle was at close quarters, many of the Eruli were killed, and Rodulphus himself was killed, and all the rest fled with all their might, mindful of no resistance. 14.22. And as the enemy pressed close upon them, most of them fell there, but some few were saved. 14.23. Wherefore they could no longer remain in their ancestral abodes, but removing from there as quickly as possible, they kept going forward, traversing the whole land which is beyond the Ister river, together with their children and wives. 14.24. And when they came to a region where the Rogi anciently dwelt, who, having mingled with the army of the Goths, had gone into Italy, there they settled. 14.25. But when they were oppressed by famine, since the land was deserted, removing from there not long afterward, they came close to the country of the Gepaedes. 14.26. And the Gepaedes at first, when they had become suppliants, permitted them to settle and be neighbours to them. 14.27. Then they began, from no cause, to display unholy deeds toward them. For they did violence to their women and seized their oxen and other goods, and they left out no act of injustice at all, and finally began to lay unjust hands upon them. 14.28. And the Eruli, no longer able to bear these things, crossed the Ister river and resolved to dwell near the Romans there, Anastasius holding the imperial power, who received them with much friendliness and permitted them to settle there. 14.29. But not long afterward these barbarians gave offence to him, having wrought unholy deeds against the Romans there; wherefore he sent an army against them. 14.30. And the Romans, conquering them in battle, killed most of them, and had it in their power to destroy them all. 14.31. But the survivors of them, having become suppliants of the generals, begged both to be preserved and to be henceforth allies and servants of the emperor. 14.32. And when Anastasius learned this it pleased him, and from this it came about that some of the Eruli were left, though they neither became allies of the Romans nor did them any good. 14.33. But when Justinian took over the empire, presenting them with good land and other goods, he was able to make them altogether his friends and persuaded them all to become Christians. 14.34. Wherefore, changing their mode of life to the more gentle, they resolved to go over for the most part to the laws of the Christians, and in alliance for the most part they array themselves with the Romans against the enemy. 14.35. They are, however, still faithless toward them and, being gripped by greed, are eager to do violence to their neighbours, 14.36. the deed bringing them no shame. And they perform unholy unions, both with men and with asses, and they are the basest of all men and, being evil, are destined to perish evilly. 14.37. Afterward a few of them remained in treaty with the Romans, as shall be written by me in the subsequent narrative; but all the rest revolted from the following cause. 14.38. The Eruli, displaying the beastlike and frenzied quality of their character against their king (this man was Ochus by name), suddenly killed the man from no cause, bringing no other charge than that they wished for the future to be without a king. 14.39. And yet even before this the king had the name among them, but carried off almost nothing more than any private man whatever. 14.40. But all saw fit both to sit together with him and to be his messmates, and without restraint anyone who wished insulted him; 14.41. for there are no men more faithless or more unstable than the Eruli. And when the evil had been wrought by them, they now repented. 14.42. For they said they were not able to live without a ruler or without a general; so after much deliberation it seemed altogether better to them to summon one of the royal line from the island of Thule. And what this is I shall presently make plain.

15.1. When the Eruli, defeated in battle by the Lombards, removed from their ancestral abodes, some of them, as has been related by me before, settled in the regions in Illyricum, but the others resolved by no means to cross the Ister river, but settled in the very extremities of the inhabited world; 15.2. these, then, with many of the royal blood leading them, traversed in succession all the nations of the Sclaveni, and crossing a wide deserted country from there, came to the people called the Varni. 15.3. After them they passed by the nations of the Danes, the barbarians there not doing them violence. 15.4. And coming thence to the ocean, they took ship, and putting in at the island of Thule, remained there. Now Thule is exceedingly large; for it happens to be more than ten times greater than Britain. 15.5. And it lies far from it toward the north wind. In this island the land is for the most part deserted, but in the inhabited part thirteen most populous nations are settled, and there are kings over each nation. 15.6. There a marvellous thing happens every year. For about the summer solstice the sun for about forty days does not set at all, but continuously during all this time appears above the earth. 15.7. But no less than six months later, about the winter solstice, the sun does not appear at all over this island for forty days, but unending night is poured over it; and dejection from this holds the people there during all this time, since they have no means of mingling with one another in the interval. 15.8. For me, then, to go to this island and to be an eye-witness of the things told, though I was eager, in no way came about. 15.9. From those who came to us from there, however, I inquired in what way they were able to reckon the measure of the days, when the sun neither rises nor sets at the appropriate times there. And they told me an account both true and trustworthy. 15.10. For they say that the sun during those forty days does not set, as has been said, but appears to the people there now toward the east, now toward the west. 15.11. So whenever, coming round again and being near the horizon, it reaches the same place where they had before seen it rising, they reckon that thus one day and one night have passed. 15.12. And whenever the time of the nights comes, judging always by the courses of the moon and the stars, they reckon the measure of the days. 15.13. And when a period of thirty-five days has run by in this long night, certain men set out to the summits of the mountains—for this is customary with them—and seeing the sun somehow from there, they announce to the people below that within five days the sun will shine upon them. 15.14. And the whole people hold a festival of good tidings, and this in darkness. And this is the greatest of the festivals for the Thulitae; 15.15. for these islanders, it seems to me, are always exceedingly afraid, although the same thing happens to them every year, lest the sun should at some time fail them altogether. 15.16. But of the barbarians settled in Thule one nation only, who are called the Scrithiphini, have a beastlike mode of life. For they neither put on garments nor walk with shoes, nor do they drink wine nor have any eatable thing from the earth. 15.17. For they neither till the earth nor do their women work anything for them, but the men, always together with the women, practise hunting alone. 15.18. For a great quantity of wild beasts and other animals the forests bear for them, being prodigiously great, and the mountains that rise there. 15.19. And they always feed on the flesh of the beasts caught and clothe themselves in their skins, since they have neither flax nor any tool with which they might sew; but binding the skins of the beasts to one another with their sinews, they thus cover their whole body. 15.20. Nor indeed do they rear their infants in the same way as other men. 15.21. For the children of the Scrithiphini are not fed with the milk of women, nor do they touch their mother's breast, but they are reared on the marrow alone of the animals caught. 15.22. So whenever a woman has given birth, putting the infant into a skin, she straightway hangs it upon some tree, and placing marrow in its mouth, she sets out with her husband to the accustomed hunt. For in common with him they do all things and pursue this occupation. 15.23. Such, then, is the manner of life of these barbarians. The other Thulitae, however, almost all, so to speak, differ in nothing greatly from other men; but they worship many gods and demons, of the heaven and the air, of the earth and the sea, and certain other divinities said to be in the waters of springs and rivers. 15.24. And they sacrifice continually all kinds of victims and make offerings to the dead, but the finest of their victims is a human being, whom they make captive in war first; 15.25. for him they sacrifice to Ares, since they consider him the greatest god. And they sacrifice the captive not only by slaying him, but also by hanging him from a tree and casting him into thorns, and killing him by other most pitiable forms of death. 15.26. Thus the Thulitae live. Of them one populous nation is the Gauti, beside whom at that time the immigrant Eruli settled. 15.27. And now the Eruli who dwell among the Romans, the murder of their king having been wrought by them, sent some of their notable men to the island of Thule, to search out and bring back, if they should be able to find anyone there of the royal blood. 15.28. And when these men had come to the island, they found many there of the royal line, but selecting one who pleased them most, they set out on the return journey with him. 15.29. But he, when he had come among the Danes, died of sickness. Wherefore these men, coming again to the island, brought back another, Datius by name. And his brother Aordus followed him, and two hundred youths of the Eruli in Thule. 15.30. And as much time was being spent by them in this journey, a thought came to the Eruli about Singidunum that they were not doing what was advantageous to themselves in bringing a leader from Thule, against the will of the emperor Justinian. 15.31. So sending to Byzantium, they begged the emperor to send them a ruler, whoever should be his choice. 15.32. And he straightway sent to them one of the Eruli who from of old had his residence there, Suartuas by name. 15.33. Him the Eruli at first saw and did obeisance to gladly, and obeyed as he gave the customary orders; but not many days later one came announcing that those from the island of Thule were somewhere close. 15.34. And Suartuas ordered them to go to meet them, in order to destroy them, and the Eruli, approving the plan, straightway followed. 15.35. But when they were a day's journey apart from each other, all of them by night deserting him went over to the newcomers, while he himself fled alone to Byzantium. 15.36. And the emperor with all his might set himself to restoring him to power, but the Eruli, fearing the power of the Romans, resolved to go over to the Gepaedes. This, then, was the cause of the revolt of the Eruli.

16.1. And Belisarius and Narses with both their armies joined each other about the city of Firmum, which lies along the shore of the Ionian Gulf and is distant a day's journey from the city of Auximus. 16.2. There with all the commanders of the army they deliberated whither it would be more advantageous for them to go first against the enemy. 16.3. For if they should go against those besieging Ariminum, they suspected that those in Auximus, coming behind them, would, as is likely, do irreparable harm both to themselves and to the Romans dwelling there; and they feared for the besieged, lest they should suffer something terrible from the want of necessities. 16.4. Now the most of them, being angry at John, made their speeches. For they reproached him because, by unreasoning rashness and by love of much money, he had come to such danger, and did not allow the operations of the war to be carried on in order or as Belisarius directed. 16.5. But Narses (for John was the dearest of all men to him), fearing lest Belisarius, yielding to what had been said by the commanders, should put the affairs at Ariminum in second place, spoke as follows: 16.6. “You are deliberating, men in command, not about the usual matters, nor do you hold counsel about things concerning which one might reasonably be in doubt, but about matters in which it is possible even for those who have come to no experience of war to choose offhand the better course. 16.7. For if the danger seemed to be equal and the harm to those who failed equal on either side, it would be worth while to deliberate sufficiently and, going to the greatest length of calculation, thus to make the decision concerning the present situation. 16.8. But we, if we should wish to put off the assault on Auximus to some other time, shall in no way suffer loss in essential matters; for what difference would there be in the interval? But at Ariminum, if, as is likely, we fail—not to put it too bitterly—we shall undo the strength of the Romans. 16.9. So if John has insulted your instructions, most excellent Belisarius, you have taken a great penalty from him, since it is in your power both to save the man who has erred and to give him over to the enemy. 16.10. But beware lest you take from the emperor and from us the penalties for the things in which John, through ignorance, has erred. For if the Goths now take Ariminum, it will come about that an energetic Roman general and a whole army and a city subject to the emperor have been made captive. 16.11. And the danger will not stop at this, but they will be able to overturn the whole fortune of the war. For reckon thus concerning the enemy, that in multitude of soldiers they still even now far surpass us, but they have fallen into a cowardice from the disasters in which they have often failed. And with reason; for the opposition of fortune has taken from them all their boldness. 16.12. If, then, they prosper at the present time, they will not long afterward recover their spirit, and for the rest will carry on this war not only with daring equal to ours, but with much greater. 16.13. For those who escape from difficulties are wont always to have better hopes than those who have not yet met with misfortune.” Narses said so much. 16.14. And a certain soldier, escaping the guard of the barbarians from Ariminum, came to the camp and showed Belisarius a letter which John had written to him. 16.15. And the writing made plain the following: “Know that all the provisions have long since failed us, and that for the future we are not able either to hold out against the populace or to defend ourselves against the assailants, but within seven days we shall, unwillingly, hand over both ourselves and this city to the enemy; 16.16. for to force the present necessity further we are by no means able—a necessity which to make our defence on our behalf, if we should do anything not seemly, 16.17. I think sufficient.” Thus John wrote. And Belisarius was at a loss and fell into great perplexity. For he both feared for the besieged and suspected that the enemy in Auximus would ravage all the regions there more boldly, going about them, and would lie in ambush for his camp from behind, especially whenever they should come to grips with their opponents, and would, as is likely, work much irreparable harm. 16.18. After this, however, he did as follows. He left Aratius there with a thousand men, on condition that they should make a camp by the sea, two hundred stades distant from the city of Auximus. 16.19. And he ordered them neither to remove from there and go elsewhere nor to fight with the enemy, except in so far as they defended themselves from their camp, if those men should ever go against them. 16.20. For in this way he hoped that the barbarians especially, since the Romans were encamped somewhere close to Auximus, would remain quiet and would never follow to do them mischief. 16.21. And he sent a most considerable army with ships, of which Herodian and Uliaris and Narses the brother of Aratius were in command. 16.22. And supreme over the fleet was Ildiger, whom Belisarius instructed to sail straight for Ariminum, taking care not to attempt to put in at the shore there while the foot-army was left far behind; for they were to journey not far from the coast. 16.23. And he ordered another army, of which Martinus was in command, to go along by the seacoast keeping pace with these ships, instructing them, whenever they should come near the enemy, to burn many fires, not in proportion to the army, and to give their opponents the impression of a multitude much greater. 16.24. And he himself, with Narses and the rest of the army, went by another road furthest from the coast, through the city of Urbisalia, which in former times Alaric so destroyed that nothing whatever of its former adornment is left to it, except a single gate and a small remnant of the foundations of its ground-plan.

17.1. Here it befell me to see a sight of the following kind. When the army with John came into Picenum, there was, as was natural, much confusion among the people there. 17.2. And of the women, some fled suddenly wherever it had become possible for each, while others, being caught, were carried off in no orderly fashion by those who fell in with them. 17.3. In one of these places a certain woman who had just given birth happened to have left her child lying on the ground in its swaddling-clothes, and whether fleeing or caught by someone, she was no longer able to return there; for it befell her plainly to have vanished either from among men or from Italy. 17.4. So the child, left in this solitude, kept weeping. And a single she-goat, seeing it, took pity on it and, coming near (for she too happened to have just given birth), gave it the teat and guarded the child carefully, 17.5. lest a dog or some wild beast should harm it. And as much time was spent in the confusion, it came about that the child shared in this teat for a long while. 17.6. And when it became known to the people of Picenum afterward that the emperor's army had come there for the harm of the Goths, but that the Romans would suffer nothing unpleasant from it, 17.7. they all returned home straightway. And when in Urbisalia the women had come with the men, all who were Roman by race, when they saw the child surviving in its swaddling-clothes, being unable to account for what had happened, they were in great wonder that it lived. 17.8. And each one offered her teat who happened to be in a suitable condition for this. But the child would no longer take human milk, and the goat was by no means willing to let it go, but bleating most continually about the child, she seemed to the bystanders to be doing dreadful things because the women, coming close to the child, were thus troubling it, and to put it in a word, she laid claim to the infant as her own. 17.9. And from this the women no longer troubled the child, and the goat reared it more fearlessly and, taking care of it otherwise, guarded it. Wherefore the people of the place called this child Aegisthus. 17.10. And when it befell me to be present there, making a display of the marvel, they used to bring me to the child and on purpose, 17.11. in order that it might cry, troubled it. And it, distressed by those who troubled it, wept, and the goat, hearing it (for she was distant from it about a stone's throw), at a run and bleating loudly came to it, and coming and standing over it, took her stand, so that no one might be able to trouble it for the rest of the time. Such, then, are the things about this Aegisthus. 17.12. And Belisarius advanced through the mountains there. For being far surpassed in numbers by his opponents, he was not willing to come to close quarters with them in the open, since he saw too that the barbarians were resolved to die in their encounters; 17.13. and he thought that they, as soon as they should learn that an army of the enemy was advancing against them from all sides, would be mindful of no resistance, but would straightway turn to flight. And he hit upon the true opinion, having suspected nothing far from what was to be. 17.14. For when they had come into the mountains, about a day's journey distant from Ariminum, they fell in with a few Goths who were travelling by the road on some errand. 17.15. And these, falling unexpectedly upon an army of the enemy, were by no means able to turn aside from the road, until, being shot at by those who went in front, some of them fell there, while others, having become wounded, ran up onto some of the cliffs there and escaped notice. 17.16. From there, observing the Roman army pouring into all the difficult places, they supposed them to be far more than the true measure. 17.17. And there, seeing also the standards of Belisarius, they knew that he was leading this army. And night came on, and the Romans bivouacked there, while the wounded among the Goths went secretly to the camp of Wittigis. 17.18. And coming there about midday, they showed their wounds and affirmed that Belisarius with an army greater than could be numbered would presently be at hand. 17.19. And they were preparing as if for battle, turned toward the north wind of the city of Ariminum (for there they supposed the enemy would arrive), and they all kept looking continually toward the heights of the mountain. 17.20. But when, night having come on for them, they laid down their arms and were resting, they saw many fires to the east of the city, about sixty stades off, which the army with Martinus was burning, and they came into helpless fear; 17.21. for they suspected they would be encircled by the enemy at daybreak. So this night they bivouacked in such fear, and on the following day, with the sun rising, they saw a fleet of ships coming against them, prodigious in size; and falling into speechlessness, they rushed into flight. 17.22. And packing up quickly, they were held by so great a tumult and shouting that they neither heard the orders given nor took anything else into their mind than how each one might first get away from the camp and get inside the wall of Ravenna. 17.23. And if there had happened to be any strength or courage left to the besieged, they would have sallied out and killed very many of the enemy there, and the whole war would have ended there. 17.24. But as it was, this was prevented both by the great fear that had come upon them before and by the weakness, befalling many through the want of necessities. So the barbarians, by the excess of their tumult leaving some of their goods there, ran at full speed toward Ravenna.

18.1. And first of the Romans, Ildiger and his men, coming to the camp of the enemy, made into the account of slaves those of the Goths who, held by some sickness, had remained there, and gathered all the goods which the Goths had left in their flight. 18.2. And Belisarius came with the whole army at midday. And when he saw John and his men pale and terribly squalid, hinting at the unreasoning quality of his rashness, he said that John owed thanks to Ildiger. 18.3. But he said he owed acknowledgement not to Ildiger but to Narses the steward of the emperor, hinting, I suppose, that Belisarius was not very willing, but had been persuaded by Narses to help them. And for the future the two used much suspicion toward each other. 18.4. Wherefore the friends of Narses would not even allow him to campaign with Belisarius, but persuaded him how shameful it would be for one who shared the secrets of the emperor not to be supreme commander of the army, but to obey a general. 18.5. For they declared that Belisarius would never willingly command the army on equal terms with him, but that, if he wished to lead the Roman army by himself, more soldiers and far better ones, with their commanders, would follow. 18.6. For they said that the Eruli and the guards and shield-bearers of Belisarius himself, and those whom Justinus and John himself commanded, together with the followers of Aratius and Narses, were no fewer than ten thousand, men brave and exceedingly good in matters of war, and that they wished that the conquest of Italy should be reckoned not to Belisarius alone, but that Narses too should bear his share. 18.7. For they thought he had left the company of the emperor not in order that by his own dangers he might strengthen the reputation of Belisarius, but in order that, displaying deeds of intelligence and bravery, he might become renowned among all men, as was likely. 18.8. And yet they said that Belisarius would not even be able to accomplish anything without them for the future. 18.9. For the most of the army which he commanded had already been left in forts and cities which he himself had taken, and they enumerated all in order, beginning from Sicily as far as Picenum. 18.10. And Narses, when he heard these things, was exceedingly pleased at the suggestion, and could neither restrain his thought nor remain in his present position any longer. 18.11. So often, when Belisarius saw fit to undertake some task, he withdrew on various pretexts at various times and rejected the proposal. 18.12. Belisarius, perceiving this, calling together all the commanders, spoke as follows: “I do not seem to myself to think the same things as you, men in command, about this war. 18.13. For I see that you despise the enemy as being altogether defeated. 18.14. But I think that, through this boldness of yours, we shall fall into manifest danger, since I know that the barbarians have been defeated by us not through any cowardice nor through fewness of numbers, but, outgeneralled by forethought and counsel alone, have been turned to flight from here. 18.15. And I fear lest you, being deceived by this untrue opinion, work irreparable harm both to yourselves and to the affairs of the Romans. 18.16. For those who seem to have conquered, lifted up by what has been done, are more easily destroyed than those who have failed contrary to expectation, but for the rest are gripped by fear and much anxiety toward their opponents. 18.17. For carelessness has destroyed some of those who were well established, but toil with care has profited many of the unfortunate. 18.18. Since the power of those who yield to negligence is wont for the most part to be lessened, but practice is naturally sufficient to put strength in. 18.19. Let each of you, then, consider that in Ravenna are Wittigis and many tens of thousands of Goths, and Uraïas is besieging Mediolanum and has surrounded all Liguria, and Auximus is already full of a large army worthy of account, and many other places are guarded against us by barbarians who are a match for us, as far as Urbiventus, which happens to be in the neighbourhood of Rome. 18.20. So that now more than before our affairs stand in danger, since we have fallen into a kind of encirclement by the enemy. 18.21. For I forbear to say that they declare the Franks too are arrayed with them in Liguria, a thing which it is sufficiently worth while for all the Romans to call to mind, not without great fear. 18.22. I say, then, that a part of the army ought to be sent to Liguria and Mediolanum, while the rest for the present should go against Auximus and the enemy there, to accomplish whatever God may grant; and then to manage the other operations of the war in whatever way may seem best and most excellent.” Belisarius said so much. 18.23. And Narses answered as follows: “In other respects, O general, no one would gainsay that all has been spoken by you with truth. 18.24. But to set apart this whole army of the emperor for Mediolanum and Auximus alone I think altogether inexpedient. 18.25. But that you should lead such of the Romans as you wish against these is in no way unfitting; we, however, will win for the emperor the land of Aemilia, which they say the Goths especially lay claim to, and will so throw Ravenna into confusion that you will deal with the enemy near you as you wish, they being shut off from all hope of those who might defend them. 18.26. For if we should choose to besiege Auximus along with you, I fear lest, when the barbarians come out from Ravenna, it may befall us both to be set between two enemies and, being cut off from the necessities, to be destroyed there.” Narses said so much. 18.27. And Belisarius, fearing lest, the Romans going into many parts, the affairs of the emperor should fall to ruin and be confounded by the disorder thence arising, showed a letter of the emperor Justinian which he had written to the commanders of the army. 18.28. And the writing made plain the following: “We have not sent Narses our steward into Italy in order that he should command the army; for we wish Belisarius alone to lead the whole army in whatever way may seem to him best, and it behoves you all to follow him for what is advantageous to our state.” Such, then, was the emperor's letter. 18.29. But Narses, laying hold of the very end of the letter, contended on the contrary that Belisarius was now deliberating for the advantage of the state; wherefore it was not necessary for them to follow him.

19.1. Hearing this, Belisarius sent Peranius with a large army to Urbiventus, in order that they might besiege it, while he himself led the army against Urbinus, a city both strong and having a sufficient garrison of Goths (this is distant a day's journey from the city of Ariminum for an unencumbered man), and there followed him as he led the army both Narses and John and all the rest. 19.2. And coming near the city, they encamped at the foot of the hill in two divisions; for they were not arrayed with one another, but Belisarius and his men held the parts to the east of the city, while Narses and his men held those to the west. 19.3. Now Urbinus lies on a hill, round and exceedingly high. The hill, however, is neither precipitous nor altogether impassable, but only hard to traverse because it is very steep, especially as one goes very close to the city. 19.4. And it has one entrance on the level toward the north wind. So the Romans were arrayed for the siege thus. And Belisarius, thinking that the barbarians would more easily come over to him by agreement, inasmuch as they had been dismayed at the danger, sent envoys to them and, promising that many good things would come to them, exhorted them to become subjects of the emperor. 19.5. So the envoys, coming near the gates (for the enemy did not receive them into the city), said much that was very enticing, but the Goths, bold in the strength of the place and the abundance of provisions, would by no means admit the proposals, but ordered the Romans to depart from there quickly. 19.6. So Belisarius, hearing this, ordered the army to gather thick rods and to make from them a long shed. 19.7. Hiding inside it, they were to go very close to the gates with it, where the ground is most level, and to use it for their plot against the wall. And they did accordingly. 19.8. But some of the friends of Narses, joining him, said that Belisarius was doing endless things and devising the impossible. For John had already made trial of the place, and that too when a few men held the garrison at that time, and had perceived it to be altogether impregnable (and so it was); but he ought to recover for the emperor the regions in Aemilia. 19.9. Persuaded by this suggestion, Narses by night broke off the siege, although Belisarius entreated much both that he should stay there and that they should help take the city of Urbinus together. 19.10. These went quickly to Ariminum with the rest of the army. And Moras and the barbarians, when at daybreak they saw the enemy withdrawn by half, jeered from the wall, taunting those who had remained. 19.11. And Belisarius wished to assault the wall with the army that was left. And while he was deliberating these things, it befell that a marvellous piece of good fortune came about. 19.12. There was a single spring in Urbinus, from which all the inhabitants there drew water. This, drying up little by little of its own accord, was failing. 19.13. And in three days the water so failed it that the barbarians, drawing it up from there with mud, drank it. Wherefore they resolved to come over to the Romans. 19.14. But Belisarius, having by no means learned this, wished to make trial of the wall. And arming the rest of the army he placed them in a circle all about the hill, and ordered some men on the level ground to bring up the shed of rods; 19.15. for so they have been accustomed to call this engine. And they, slipping inside it, kept advancing and dragging the shed along, escaping the notice of the enemy. 19.16. So the barbarians, stretching out their right hands from the battlements, begged to obtain peace. But the Romans, not knowing anything of what had happened about the spring, suspected that they feared the war and the engine. Both sides, then, gladly abstained from the battle. 19.17. And the Goths surrendered both themselves and the city to Belisarius by agreement, on condition that they should remain unharmed, having become subjects of the emperor with the Roman army on equal and like terms. 19.18. And Narses, hearing this, regarded the matter both with wonder and as a misfortune. 19.19. And he himself still remained quiet in Ariminum, but ordered John to lead the whole army against Caesena. And they went carrying ladders. 19.20. And when they came near the fort, they made an assault and tried the wall. But as the barbarians defended themselves stoutly, many others fell there, and Phanitheus the leader of the Eruli. 19.21. And John, having then failed at the fort of Caesena, no longer saw fit to make trial, since it seemed to him impregnable, and with Justinus and the rest of the army drove forward. 19.22. And he took by a sudden assault an ancient city which is named Forocornelius, and the barbarians always withdrawing and by no means coming to close quarters, he recovered the whole of Aemilia for the emperor. These things, then, were carried on thus.

20.1. And Belisarius, when he had taken Urbinus about the winter solstice, thought it inexpedient to go to Auximus immediately; for he suspected that much time would be spent for them in the siege of it. 20.2. For it was impossible to take the place by force because of the strength of its defences, and the barbarians, many and excellent, who held the garrison there, as has been shown by me before, having plundered a large district, had brought in for themselves a great quantity of provisions. 20.3. And he ordered Aratius with a large army to winter in Firmum and to keep watch that for the future the barbarians might not at their will, making sorties from there, more boldly do violence to the regions there; while he himself led the army against Urbiventus. 20.4. For Peranius urged him to this, since he had heard from the deserters that the Goths there were running short of provisions, and he hoped that, if in addition to the want of necessities they should see Belisarius present with the whole army, they would more easily give in; 20.5. which happened. For Belisarius, as soon as he came to Urbiventus, ordered all to encamp in a suitably situated place, while he himself, going about in a circle, looked to see whether somehow it might not be impossible to take it by force. And it seemed to him there was no device for taking the place by force. 20.6. But it seemed to him not altogether impracticable to gain mastery of it secretly through a plot. 20.7. For a certain hill rises alone out of a hollow land, level and flat at the upper parts, but precipitous below. And about the hill rocks of equal height make a kind of encirclement, not being very close, but distant about a stone's throw. 20.8. On this hill the men of old built the city, neither throwing walls around it nor making any other fortification, since the place seemed to them impregnable by nature. 20.9. For there happens to be one entrance to it from the rocks, which, if the inhabitants guard it, they need not fear any assault of the enemy elsewhere. 20.10. For apart from the place where nature has made the entrance to the city, as has been said, a river, always great and impassable, holds the space between the hill and the rocks of which I just made mention. 20.11. Wherefore the ancient Romans made a small building at this entrance. And there is a gate there, which the Goths then guarded. Such, then, is the situation regarding Urbiventus. 20.12. And Belisarius set himself with the whole army to the siege, having the hope either of doing them mischief by means of the river or of reducing the enemy by famine. 20.13. And the barbarians for a while were not altogether in want of the necessities, although they had them in less than sufficient measure; nevertheless they held out against the hardship beyond expectation, by no means coming to fullness of food, but using just so much of victuals each day as not to die of famine. 20.14. But when all the provisions had failed them, they soaked hides and skins in water for a long time and then ate them; for Albilas who commanded them, a man most highly esteemed among the Goths, fed them with empty hopes. 20.15. And when the season, coming round again, brought the summer time, the grain was already at its height in the fields of its own accord, not so much, however, as before, but much less. 20.16. For since it had been hidden in the furrows neither by ploughs nor by the hands of men, but happened to lie on the surface, the earth was able to bring only a small part of it to fruit. 20.17. And as no one reaped it, having come far past its prime it fell again, and nothing thereafter grew from it. And this same thing happened also in Aemilia. 20.18. Wherefore, leaving their homes, the people there went to Picenum, supposing that the regions there, because they were by the sea, would not be altogether oppressed by want. 20.19. And the famine laid hold of the Tuscans too none the less, from the same cause, but all of them who dwelt in the mountains, grinding the acorns of the oaks like grain and making bread from them, ate it. 20.20. And of all kinds of diseases, as was natural, most of them were seized, 20.21. but some, surviving, were saved. In Picenum, however, it is said that no fewer than fifty thousand of the people, Roman farmers, perished of famine, and many more still beyond the Ionian Gulf. 20.22. And of what appearance they became, and in what manner they died, I now proceed to tell, having myself been an eyewitness. 20.23. They became thin and pale, all of them; for the flesh, lacking nourishment, fed, according to the ancient saying, upon itself, and the bile, which now held the mastery over the body by its abundance, gave to these a colour resembling its own. 20.24. And as the evil advanced, all moisture failed them, and the skin, becoming exceedingly dry, was very like leather, giving the appearance of being fixed upon the bones. And changing from livid to black, they resembled torches burnt exceedingly. 20.25. And their faces were always full of amazement, and they always looked terribly somewhat frenzied. And some died from want of food, others even from coming too much to fullness of it. 20.26. For since all the heat which nature kindled within them had been quenched, if anyone fed them to satiety, and not little by little, like infants newly born, these, no longer being able to digest the food, perished much more quickly. 20.27. And some, the famine overpowering them, tasted of one another. And it is said that two women in a certain field above the city of Ariminum ate seventeen men, who happened to be the only ones left in the place. 20.28. For it came about that strangers travelling there lodged in the cottage where these women dwelt; and them, while they slept, the women killed and ate. 20.29. They say, then, that the eighteenth stranger, rising from sleep, just when these women were about to set upon him, leapt up and learned from them the whole story, and killed both of them. 20.30. This, then, they say happened thus. And most, gripped by the necessity of famine, if anywhere any herb chanced to be, would go to it with much eagerness, and kneeling down would try to pull it up from the ground. 20.31. Then (for they were not able, since all strength had failed them) falling over the herb and their hand, they died. 20.32. And no one hid them anywhere in the earth; for there was no one to whom even an account of burial might fall; yet no bird touched them, of which many are wont to feed on dead bodies, 20.33. since they had nothing on which they might rush. For all the flesh, as I have said before, had already happened to be consumed by the famine. Such, then, was the state of things regarding the famine.

21.1. And Belisarius, when he heard that Uraïas and the barbarians were besieging Mediolanum, sent Martinus and Uliaris with a large army against them. 21.2. And they, coming to the river Padus, which is distant a day's journey from Mediolanum, encamped and remained there. And much time was spent by them there, while they deliberated about the crossing of the river. 21.3. And when Mundilas heard this, he sent to them one of the Romans, Paulus by name. 21.4. And he, escaping the notice of the enemy, came to the bank of the Padus. And finding no boat at the moment, he stripped and, swimming, made the crossing at great risk. 21.5. So being brought to the Roman camp and coming to the commanders, he spoke as follows: “Martinus and Uliaris, you are doing things neither just nor worthy of your own reputation, having come in word for the safety of the emperor's affairs, but in deed increasing the power of the Goths. 21.6. For this Mediolanum, which surpasses by far all the cities in Italy in size and in population and in the rest of its prosperity, and apart from these things, being a bulwark against the Germans and the other barbarians and set, so to speak, before the whole Roman empire, has fallen into great danger together with Mundilas and the emperor's army, being troubled by the enemy and neglected by you. 21.7. How greatly the emperor has been wronged by you at the present time, I forbear to say. For the occasion does not allow me to use many words, since I seek some swift help for the city, while there is still some hope left. 21.8. And I say that you ought immediately to defend the Mediolanenses who are in danger. For if you use any delay toward us at the present time, it will come about that we, having suffered the most bitter of all things, shall perish, and that you will have given over the emperor's power to the enemy. 21.9. For traitors, I think, are justly called not only those who throw open the gates to the enemy, but no less, if not more, those who, when it is in their power to defend their dearest who are besieged, choose the safe shrinking instead of the contest and thus give the mastery to the enemy, as is natural.” 21.10. Paulus said so much, and Martinus and Uliaris, promising to follow him immediately, sent the man away. 21.11. And he, again escaping the notice of the barbarians, entered Mediolanum by night, and lifting up the soldiers and all the Romans with hopes, strengthened them still more in their loyalty to the emperor. 21.12. None the less, Martinus and his men, gripped by shrinking, remained there, and much time was spent in this delay. 21.13. And afterward Martinus, wishing to free himself from blame, wrote to Belisarius as follows: “You sent us here to defend those in Mediolanum who are in danger, and we with much eagerness, just as you ordered, have come as far as the river Padus, which the army fears to cross, since we hear that there is a great force of Goths and a very great multitude of Burgundians with them in Liguria, against whom we think ourselves unable to contend alone. 21.14. But order John and Justinus as quickly as possible (for they are in our neighbourhood in the land of Aemilia), together with their followers, to share this danger with us. 21.15. For going from here in common, we shall both be safe ourselves and be able to do some harm to the 21.16. enemy.” So much Martinus's letter made plain. And Belisarius, when he had read it, ordered John and Justinus to go quickly to Mediolanum with Martinus and his men. But they said they would do nothing unless Narses gave them instructions. 21.17. Wherefore Belisarius wrote also to Narses as follows: “Consider the whole army of the emperor to be one body, which, if it does not display one purpose, like the limbs of a man, but wishes to act apart from one another, it will be left to us to perish, having accomplished none of the things that are needful. 21.18. Therefore let Aemilia alone, which has neither any fortification nor brings to the Romans at the present time any weight of advantage. 21.19. But order John and Justinus immediately to go straight against the enemy in Mediolanum together with Martinus and his men, being near and sufficient for the mastery over the barbarians. 21.20. For I have here no multitude of an army which I might send, and besides, I think it inexpedient for soldiers to go to Mediolanum from here. 21.21. For much time will be wasted, so that they will come to it later than the necessary opportunity, and they will by no means be able to use their horses against the enemy, on account of the length of the road, when they come to them. 21.22. But if these men go to Mediolanum together with Martinus and Uliaris, they will both prevail, as is likely, over the barbarians there, and will recover Aemilia again, with no one any longer withstanding them.” 21.23. When Narses saw this letter brought to him, he instructed John and Justinus to go to Mediolanum with the rest of the army. 21.24. And a little later John was sent to the coast in order to bring boats from there, so that the army might be able to cross the river. But a sickness befalling him prevented the carrying out of the plan. 21.25. While Martinus and his men were using their shrinking from the crossing, and John's men were waiting for the instructions of Narses, in the meantime it befell that a great deal of time was spent in the siege. 21.26. And the besieged, now exceedingly hard pressed by famine and the evil overpowering them, most of them tasted of dogs and mice and of other animals which never came to the food of man. 21.27. So the barbarians, sending envoys to Mundilas, ordered him to give over the city to them, on condition that he himself and the soldiers should remain unharmed. 21.28. And he agreed to do this, if those men should both give pledges on their behalf and that they would do nothing unpleasant to any of the inhabitants. 21.29. But when the enemy gave pledges to Mundilas and the soldiers, while it was clear that, being gripped by much anger against the Ligurians, they would destroy them all, Mundilas, calling together all the soldiers, spoke as follows: 21.30. “If ever any others, when it was in their power to live shamefully, chose rather to die gloriously, exchanging an honourable end of life for immediate safety, such men at the present time I should wish you also to be, and not, through love of life, to pursue a life with shame, and this too, from the teaching of Belisarius, in which, having shared from of old, it is unholy for you not to be noble and exceedingly bold. 21.31. For to all who come into the light one fortune comes forth, to die at the appointed times; but in the manner of death men for the most part differ from one another. 21.32. And the difference is this, that cowards, as is natural, all owing insult and mockery to their enemies first, then none the less fulfil their fate at the times appointed from above, but to noble men it befalls to suffer this together with valour and an abundance of good repute. 21.33. And apart from these things, if it were in our power, while saving these people, to be slaves to the barbarians, this at least would bring some pardon for our shameful safety. 21.34. But if it is necessary to behold so great a multitude of Romans destroyed by the hands of the enemy, what would one call more bitter than this death? 21.35. For we should seem to be doing nothing else than helping the barbarians to accomplish the terrible deed. While, therefore, we are still masters of ourselves, let us adorn necessity with valour, and account the fortune that has fallen upon us a glorious one. 21.36. And I say that we ought, all of us being armed as best we can, to go against the enemy who are not expecting it. 21.37. For one of two things will be ours: either to have wrought through fortune something better than hope, or, having met with a happy end, to be most gloriously released from our present evils.” 21.38. Mundilas said so much, but none of the soldiers was willing to undertake the danger, but on the terms which the enemy proposed they gave over both themselves and the city. 21.39. And the barbarians, doing them no harm, kept them in custody together with Mundilas, but razed the city to the ground, killing all the males, no fewer than three hundred thousand, and making the women into the account of slaves, whom they gave to the Burgundians, repaying them thus for their alliance. 21.40. And finding Reparatus, the prefect of the court, they cut him into small pieces and threw his flesh to the dogs. 21.41. But Cervatinus (for he happened to be inside Mediolanum) was conveyed through Venetia and the nations there, together with his followers, to Dalmatia. And he came from there to the emperor, announcing this great disaster which had befallen the Romans. 21.42. And from this the Goths took the other cities by agreement which happened to have Roman garrisons, and again held the mastery over the whole of Liguria. And Martinus and Uliaris with the army returned to Rome.

22.1. These things, then, were thus. And Belisarius, who had not yet learned anything of what had happened in Liguria, when the winter was already ending, went with the whole army into Picenum. 22.2. And learning on this journey what had befallen Mediolanum, he made great mourning. 22.3. And he no longer permitted Uliaris to come into his sight for the future, but wrote to the emperor all that had happened. 22.4. But the emperor on account of these things did harm to no one, but, hearing of the disagreement between Belisarius and Narses, immediately summoned Narses and established Belisarius as supreme commander of the whole war. 22.5. Thus Narses returned to Byzantium, leading some few of the soldiers. But the Eruli no longer saw fit to remain in Italy when Narses withdrew from there, although Belisarius promised them that many good things would come to them from himself and from the emperor if they remained, but packing up they all first withdrew to Liguria. 22.6. There, falling in with the army of Uraïas, they sold to the enemy the slaves and other animals which they were bringing, and having received much money, they swore an oath never to array themselves against the Goths or to come to close quarters with them. 22.7. And thus making their withdrawal peaceful, they came to the regions about Venetia. There, joining Vitalius, they repented of their offences against the emperor Justinian. 22.8. And clearing themselves of the charge, they left Visandus, one of their commanders, with his followers there, while all the rest were conveyed to Byzantium, Aluith leading them and Philimuth, who, when Phanitheus had died at Caesena, held the command. 22.9. And Wittigis and the Goths with him, hearing that Belisarius would come against them and Ravenna at the beginning of spring, were in great fear and deliberated about their present situation; and after much deliberation (for they did not think themselves a match for the enemy by themselves) it seemed best to them to bring in the help of certain other barbarians. 22.10. From the Germans, then, having already had experience of their treachery and faithlessness, they abstained, being content if those men should not themselves come with Belisarius against them, 22.11. but should stand out of the way of both. And to the ruler of the Lombards, Vaces, they sent envoys, offering great sums of money and inviting them to alliance. 22.12. But these, when they learned that Vaces was a friend and ally to the emperor, withdrew without accomplishing anything. 22.13. So Wittigis, being at a loss before the present situation, as was natural, kept calling together many of the elders. From these he inquired frequently what course, in deliberating and acting, would make his affairs better. 22.14. So many opinions were spoken by those who came together for the deliberation, some in no way suited to the present situation, but others bringing something even worthy of account. 22.15. Among which this also came into the discussion, that never before had an emperor of the Romans been able to make war on the barbarians in the West, except indeed when a truce had been made with the Persians. 22.16. For both the Vandals and the Moors had then been destroyed, and the present disasters had befallen the Goths. So that, if anyone now also should set the king of the Medes against the emperor Justinian, the Romans, this nation being made hostile to them, would never thereafter be able to carry on another war against any men. 22.17. This pleased both Wittigis himself and the other Goths. It was resolved, therefore, to send envoys to Chosroes the king of the Medes—not Goths, however, in order that, becoming evident at once from this, they might not confound the matter, but Romans, who should make him hostile to the emperor Justinian. 22.18. Wherefore they persuaded with much money two of the priests in Liguria to this service. 22.19. Of whom the one, who seemed the more worthy, putting on the appearance and name of a bishop, though it in no way belonged to him, was appointed to the embassy, while the other followed him as his attendant. 22.20. And putting into their hands a letter written to Chosroes, Wittigis sent them. By these Chosroes, being moved, wrought irreparable deeds against the Romans during a truce, as I have related in the previous narrative. 22.21. But when the emperor Justinian heard that Chosroes and the Persians were deliberating these things, he resolved to bring the war in the West to an end as quickly as possible and to recall Belisarius, that he might march against the Persians. 22.22. So the envoys of Wittigis (for they happened to be still in Byzantium) he immediately sent away, promising that men would be sent by him to Ravenna who should make the truce with the Goths in whatever way might prove advantageous to both. 22.23. But Belisarius did not release these envoys to the enemy before they too released Athanasius and Peter and their men. 22.24. And when these had come to Byzantium, the emperor deemed them worthy of the greatest honours, establishing Athanasius as prefect of the praetorian guards in Italy, and granting to Peter the office of the so-called Master. 22.25. And the winter was ending, and the fourth year of this war which Procopius has written was coming to a close.

23.1. And Belisarius wished first to take Auximus and Fisula, and thus to go against Wittigis and Ravenna, no enemy being any longer able either to stand in his way or to do mischief behind him. 23.2. So Cyprianus and Justinus with their followers and some of the Isaurians he sent to Fisula, and five hundred foot-soldiers from the regiment which Demetrius commanded, who, encamping about the fort, besieged the barbarians there. 23.3. And Martinus and John with their followers and another army, which John commanded—whom they called also Phagas—he sent to the river Padus. 23.4. And he ordered them to take care that Uraïas and his men should not come against them from Mediolanum, but if they should not be able to repel the assault of the enemy, to follow them secretly behind and come upon their rear. 23.5. And they, occupying the city of Dorthona, which is by the river and without a wall, encamped and remained there, while he himself came to the city of Auximus, having eleven thousand men. 23.6. Now this Auximus is the first of the cities in Picenum, which the Romans have been accustomed to call its capital. And it is distant about eighty-four stades from the shore of the Ionian Gulf, and from the city of Ravenna a journey of three days and eighty stades. 23.7. And it lies on a certain high hill, having no entrance on the level ground, and from this it is altogether inaccessible to the enemy. 23.8. There Wittigis had established as garrison whatever was of repute among the Goths, judging that the Romans, if they did not first take this, would never dare to march against Ravenna. 23.9. And when the Roman army came to Auximus, Belisarius ordered all to encamp in a circle about the lower parts of the hill. 23.10. And they, gathering in companies, pitched their huts here and there about the place; but the Goths, observing them to be at a long distance from one another and not easily able to come to one another's aid, since it was a great plain, suddenly about late afternoon advanced against the enemy, toward the parts to the east of the city, where Belisarius happened to be still making a camp with his guards and shield-bearers. 23.11. And they, taking up their arms from what was at hand, defended themselves against the assailants, and very easily thrusting them back by their valour, routed them, and pursuing the fugitives came to the middle of the hill. 23.12. There the barbarians, turning about and trusting in the strength of the place, stood facing the pursuers, and shooting them from above killed many, until night, coming on, prevented them. So, separating, both sides bivouacked that night. 23.13. Now it happened that on the day before this action some of the Goths had been sent at deep dawn to the regions there for the gathering of provisions. 23.14. And these, having learned nothing about the presence of the enemy, returned at nightfall. And suddenly catching sight of the fires of the Romans, they came into great wonder and fear. 23.15. And many of them, daring to undertake the danger and escaping the notice of the enemy, entered Auximus. But all who, being terrified, immediately hid themselves in certain woods, in order to go to Ravenna, these, not long afterward coming under the power of their opponents, were destroyed. 23.16. And Belisarius, observing that Auximus was most strong in its safe position, and that it was altogether impossible for him to make an assault on the wall, thought he would never take the place by force, but he had hope, by a strict siege, of bringing the enemy into want of necessities and of making them subject in time. 23.17. Not far from the wall the earth, sending up much herbage, brought every day an occasion of engagement to the Romans and the Goths. 23.18. For when the Romans saw their opponents always cutting this for the sake of their horses, going up onto the hill at a run, and coming to close quarters with the enemy, and displaying deeds worthy of valour, they by no means allowed them to carry off the herbage, and always destroyed many of their opponents in this place. 23.19. And the barbarians, being worsted by the valour of the enemy, devised the following. Taking off the wheels of the wagons with the axles alone, they kept them in readiness, and beginning to cut the herbage, when they saw the Romans now coming up into the middle of the hill, they let the wheels go to rush down upon them from the height. 23.20. But by some chance it befell that these wheels came down to the level ground without touching any man. So having failed in this attempt, the barbarians for the moment fled inside the wall, but afterward did as follows. 23.21. Setting an ambush of their notable men in the ravines which are close to the wall, a few of them showed themselves to the enemy about the herbage; and when the battle was at close quarters, those who were hidden, leaping out of the ambushes, both far surpassing their opponents in numbers and dismaying them because they had not perceived it beforehand, killed very many and always turned the rest to flight. 23.22. And those of the Romans who stood in the camps saw the enemy rising from the ambushes, but, calling their comrades with much shouting, accomplished nothing, since the combatants by no means heard their cry, being separated from them by the length of the hill, and the barbarians always on purpose clashing their arms against them. 23.23. And while Belisarius was at a loss before the present situation, Procopius, who wrote this, coming to him, said: “Those who anciently used trumpets in the Roman army, O general, understood two notes, of which the one resembled most a command bidding the soldiers rush to battle, while the other called the combatants back to the camp, whenever this seemed best to the general. 23.24. And in this way the generals always ordered the soldiers what was fitting, and they were able to carry out the deeds enjoined. 23.25. For a shout in engagements is in no way able to signify anything clearly, since a din, as is natural, resounds everywhere, and fear confounds the senses of the combatants. 23.26. But since at the present time, through ignorance, such an art has slipped away, and it is impossible with a single trumpet to make both signals clear, do you henceforth do as follows. 23.27. With the cavalry trumpets command the soldiers to fight the enemy, and with the infantry trumpets call the men back to the retreat. 23.28. For it is impossible for them not to understand each of the two sounds, since the one comes from leather and exceedingly thin wood, the other from some thick bronze.” 23.29. Procopius said so much. And Belisarius was pleased with the suggestion, and calling the whole army together, spoke as follows: “Eagerness for this work I think both advantageous and worthy of much praise, so long as, being moderate, it brings no harm to those who have it. 23.30. For by excess all good things are wont always to turn to the worse. Do you, then, no longer be tripped up by contentiousness; for there is no shame in fleeing one who is doing mischief. 23.31. But he who goes unconsidered into manifest evil and is saved from it, if so it chance, incurs the charge of folly; but he is noble who plays the man in necessities. 23.32. The barbarians, then, since they are not able to fight us in the open, undertake to destroy us by ambushes. But for us to undertake the danger is more blameworthy than to escape their ambush. 23.33. For there is nothing more shameful than to yield to the designs of the enemy. For me, then, it will be a care that you do not fall into the ambushes of the enemy. 23.34. But it would be your task, whenever I give the signal, to go quickly to the retreat. And this signal for you will be from the infantry trumpet, O soldiers.” Belisarius said so much. 23.35. And the soldiers, observing the enemy about the herbage, went against them at a run, and killed some of them in the first charge. 23.36. Among whom one of the Moors, seeing one wearing gold, and laying hold of the hairs on his head in order to strip him, kept dragging the corpse. 23.37. But a certain Goth, hitting him with a javelin and chancing to strike both the muscles which are behind the shins, by the fixing of the javelin bound both his feet together. 23.38. But none the less the Moor, holding to the hairs, kept dragging the corpse. And in the meantime the barbarians set their ambushes in motion, and Belisarius, seeing from the camp what was being done, ordered the infantry whose task this was to sound their trumpets quickly. 23.39. And the Romans, perceiving this, now little by little began to withdraw, taking up the Moor with the javelin. And the Goths no longer dared to follow them, but withdrew without accomplishing anything.

24.1. As time went on and the want of provisions among the barbarians advanced greatly, they deliberated to report their situation to Wittigis. 24.2. And since none of them dared to set out on this task (for they thought they would never escape the notice of the besiegers), they devised the following. 24.3. Watching for a moonless night and making ready the men whom they purposed to send to Wittigis, and putting letters into their hands, when it was far into the night, they all shouted out prodigiously at many parts of the wall. 24.4. One would have guessed that they had fallen into confusion, the enemy pressing hard upon them and the city being taken contrary to expectation; 24.5. but the Romans, being altogether unable to conjecture what was happening, by the resolve of Belisarius remained quiet in the camps, suspecting both that there would be some plot from the city and that an army had come from Ravenna to the aid of the enemy and was coming against them. Fearing these things, they thought it better for them to be saved by remaining quiet in safety than to go into manifest danger on a moonless night. 24.6. So thus the barbarians, escaping the notice of the enemy, sent the men to Ravenna. And they, coming into the sight of no enemy man, reached Wittigis on the third day and showed the letters. 24.7. And the writing made plain the following: “When, O king, you established us in the garrison at Auximus, you said that you were depositing in our keeping the keys both of Ravenna itself and of your kingdom. 24.8. Wherefore you charged us to guard with all our might, in order that we, on our part, might not give over the power of the Goths to the enemy, and you affirmed to us when we begged that you would come to our aid of your own accord with the whole army. 24.9. We, then, until now, fighting against both famine and Belisarius, have become faithful guardians of your kingdom, but you have by no means resolved to help us in any way whatever. 24.10. Consider, therefore, lest the Romans, taking Auximus and taking up the keys, which you here neglect though they lie before you, shut you off from all your possessions for the future.” So much the letter made plain. 24.11. And when Wittigis saw it brought to him, for the moment he sent the men back, promising that he would come to the aid of Auximus with the whole army of the Goths; but after much consideration he remained quiet. 24.12. For he both suspected that John and his men would follow behind and place them between two enemies, and thinking that there was a great force of warlike men with Belisarius, he fell into helpless fear. 24.13. But most of all the famine disturbed him, since he had nowhere from which he might furnish provisions for the army. 24.14. For the Romans, holding mastery of the sea and possessing the fort at Ancon, depositing all the necessities there from both Sicily and Calabria, easily brought them from there in due season. 24.15. But to the Goths, if they should march into the land of Picenum, perceiving that there would be no means of provisions, he fell into helplessness. 24.16. So the men who had been sent from Auximus to Wittigis brought back his promise, escaping the notice of the enemy, to Auximus, and strengthened the barbarians there with empty hopes. 24.17. And Belisarius, hearing these things from the deserters, ordered the guard to be kept still more strictly, in order that nothing of this kind might happen again. These things, then, were thus. 24.18. And Cyprianus and Justinus, besieging Fisula, were by no means able either to assault the wall or to go anywhere near it; for this fort was hard to approach from all sides. And as the barbarians often sallied out against them, being more willing to settle matters with them by battle than to be hard pressed by the want of necessities, the engagements at first were evenly matched; but afterward the Romans, now having the advantage, shut the enemy up within the wall and kept them safely guarded, 24.19. so that no one could go anywhere from there. So the barbarians, being in want of the necessities and at a loss before the present situation, sent secretly to Wittigis, begging him to help them as quickly as possible, since they could no longer hold out for any longer time. 24.20. And Wittigis ordered Uraïas with the army in Liguria to go to Ticinum; for thus he himself affirmed that he would come to the aid of the besieged with the whole power of the Goths. 24.21. And he did accordingly, and moving all the army with him, went to Ticinum; and crossing the river Padus they came somewhere near the camp of the Romans. 24.22. There they too encamped and sat facing the enemy, distant from them about sixty stades. And neither side began hostilities. 24.23. For to the Romans it seemed sufficient if they should stand in the way of their opponents, so as to prevent them from going against the besiegers; and the barbarians shrank from fighting the enemy there, reckoning that, if they should fail in this engagement, they would destroy all the affairs of the Goths. 24.24. For they would no longer be able, by joining Wittigis, to help the besieged together with him. With such a purpose both sides remained quiet.

25.1. In the meantime the Franks, hearing that both Goths and Romans had been worn down by the war, and thinking that on this account they would most easily win for themselves the most of Italy, made it a grievous thing that, while others carried on a war for so long a time about the rule of a land so near them, they themselves, remaining quiet, should stand out of the way of both. 25.2. So, immediately forgetting their oaths and agreements which a little before they had made both with the Romans and with the Goths (for this nation is the most faithless of all men in matters of good faith), gathering at once to the number of a hundred thousand, with Theudibert leading them, they marched into Italy, having some few horsemen about the leader, 25.3. who alone bore spears, while the rest, all foot-soldiers, had neither bows nor spears, but each bore a sword and a shield and one axe. The iron of this was thick and exceedingly sharp on both sides, while the wooden handle was very short. 25.4. This axe they are accustomed always to throw at a single signal in the first charge, and to break the shields of the enemy and to kill the men. 25.5. Thus the Franks, crossing the Alps which separate the Gauls and the Italians, came into Liguria. 25.6. And the Goths, who had before been distressed at their faithlessness, because, though promising for alliance both much land and great sums of money, the Franks had often by no means been willing to fulfil the promise, when they heard that Theudibert was present with a large army, rejoiced, being lifted up in their hopes to the highest degree, and thought they would for the future prevail over the enemy without a battle. 25.7. And the Germans, so long as they were in Liguria, did nothing unpleasant to the Goths, in order that no hindrance to the crossing of the Padus might come to them from these men. 25.8. But when they came to the city of Ticinum, where the ancient Romans had built a bridge over this river, those who guarded it both served them in other ways and let them cross the Padus at their will. 25.9. And laying hold of the bridge, the Franks sacrificed the children and women of the Goths whom they found there and threw their bodies into the river as the first-fruits of the war. 25.10. For these barbarians, although they have become Christians, preserve the most of their ancient belief, using sacrifices of human beings and other unholy offerings, and by this they make their divinations. 25.11. And the Goths, observing what was being done, fell into helpless fear and, gripped by flight, got inside the wall. So the Germans, having crossed the river Padus, came to the camp of the Goths, and the Goths at first gladly watched them coming against them in small numbers, supposing that the men had come for their alliance. 25.12. But when a great throng of Germans poured in and set to work and, hurling their axes, were already doing much harm, the Goths, turning their backs, rushed into flight, and going through the camp of the Romans, ran toward Ravenna. 25.13. And the Romans, seeing them fleeing, supposed that Belisarius had come to their aid and had taken the camp of the enemy and was driving them out, having conquered in battle. Wishing to join him, they took up their arms and went quickly. 25.14. But falling unexpectedly upon an army of the enemy, they came to close quarters by no means willingly, and being defeated by far in the battle, they were no longer able to return to the camp, but all fled toward Tuscany. 25.15. And when they were now in safety, they reported all that had befallen them to Belisarius. 25.16. And the Franks, having conquered both, as has been said, and taken both camps altogether destitute of men, for the moment found provisions there, but in a short time having consumed all because of their multitude, they had nothing else to bring to themselves in a land destitute of men, except oxen and the water of the Padus. 25.17. And being unable to digest this meat with the abundance of water, most of them were seized by flux of the stomach and the disease of dysentery, from which they were by no means able to free themselves through the want of provisions. 25.18. They say, then, that the third part of the Frankish army perished in this way. Wherefore, being by no means able to go forward, they remained where they were. 25.19. And Belisarius, hearing both that the army of the Franks was present and that Martinus and John, defeated in battle, had fled, fell into helplessness, fearing both for the whole army and especially for those who were besieging at Fisula, since he learned that these barbarians were especially closer to them. He immediately wrote to Theudibert as follows: 25.20. “For a man who lays claim to virtue not to be false, especially the ruler of nations so many in number, I think, O noble Theudibert, 25.21. is not seemly. But to disregard, by wronging oaths written down, the agreements would not befit even the most dishonoured of men. These things you yourself at the present time know that you are doing wrong, although you agreed lately that you would help us in this war against the Goths. 25.22. But now you have not only stood out of the way of both, but have also so unconsideredly taken up arms and come against us. Do not you, most excellent man, thus insult a great emperor, who, I dare say, is not likely to requite the insult except in the greatest of measures. 25.23. And it is better for one to hold his own possessions in safety than, laying claim to what does not belong to him, to set himself into some danger concerning the most necessary things.” 25.24. When Theudibert had read this letter, being now both at a loss before the present situation and reproached by the Germans because they were dying from no cause in a deserted land, breaking up, he withdrew to his home with the survivors of the Franks with much speed.

26.1. Thus Theudibert, having marched into Italy, made his departure. And Martinus and John returned none the less, in order that the enemy might not make some assault upon those who were besieging. 26.2. But the Goths in Auximus, having learned nothing about the coming of the Franks, and despairing of the hope from Ravenna which was thus delaying, again purposed to call Wittigis to witness, but being unable to escape the guard of the enemy, they mourned. 26.3. After this, seeing one of the Romans, a Bessian by race, Burcentius by name, ranged under Narses the Armenian, alone keeping guard at midday, lest anyone from the city should go out to take the herbage, they came to a parley with him, coming nearer, and giving pledges that they would do him no harm, they bade him join them, promising that great sums of money would come to him from them. 26.4. And when they had come to the same place, the barbarians begged the man to convey a certain letter to Ravenna, fixing for him at once a stated sum of gold, and promising to give more when the letters of Wittigis should come back to them. 26.5. And the soldier, persuaded by the money, agreed to perform this and fulfilled the promise. So taking the sealed letters, he came quickly to Ravenna. And coming into the sight of Wittigis, he put the letter into his hands. 26.6. And it made plain the following: “In what condition our present affairs are you will know clearly by inquiring who in the world is the conveyer of the letter. 26.7. For it is impossible for a Goth to get outside the wall. And the most accessible of our foods is the herbage by the wall, of which we cannot now even touch as much as a little, unless we lose many in the struggle for it. To what end these things will come for us you and the Goths in Ravenna must consider.” 26.8. When Wittigis had read this, he answered as follows: “Let no one think, O dearest of all men, that we have given up, nor that we have come to such a degree of baseness as to throw away the affairs of the Goths through carelessness. 26.9. For lately the preparation for the sally had been made by me as fully as possible, and Uraïas, summoned from Mediolanum with the whole army, had come. 26.10. But the assault of the Franks, falling upon us unexpectedly, has checked all our preparations, for which I would not justly bear the blame. 26.11. For whatever is greater than human power both grants to those who have failed to be free from blame, fortune always drawing to herself the charges arising from what has been done. 26.12. Now, however (for we hear that Theudibert has been removed from our path), we shall be with you not long hence, God willing, with the whole army of the Goths. 26.13. And you ought to bear what befalls you both manfully and in a way suited to the necessity, reckoning your valour, for the sake of which I selected you from all and established you in Auximus, and respecting the reputation in which all the Goths, holding you in regard, have set you forth as a defence both of Ravenna 26.14. and of their own safety.” Having written so much, Wittigis presented the man with much money and sent him away. And he, coming to Auximus, went to his comrades, and pretending that some sickness had befallen him, and that on this account he had been idling at a certain church not far off, he again took his station at the watch where he was wont, and, escaping the notice of all, gave the letters to the enemy; which, being read aloud to the multitude, strengthened all still more, 26.15. although they were hard pressed by famine. Wherefore they were by no means willing to come over to Belisarius, who was constantly trying to win them. And again (for no army was reported to have come out from Ravenna for them, and they were now prodigiously distressed by the want of necessities) they sent Burcentius once more, making plain only this in the letter, that within five days they were no longer able to fight against the famine. And he returned to them again, having a letter of Wittigis that buoyed them up with the same hopes. 26.16. But the Romans, none the less distressed because they had made the siege so long in a deserted land, were at a loss, seeing the barbarians not giving in to them amid so many evils. 26.17. Wherefore Belisarius was eager to take alive one of the notable men among the enemy, in order that he might learn for what reason the barbarians were enduring these terrors, and Valerianus agreed to perform such a thing for him easily. 26.18. For he said there were some among his followers of the nation of the Sclaveni, who are accustomed to hide themselves behind a small stone or any chance bush and snatch up an enemy man. 26.19. And this they always display by the river Ister, where they are settled, both against the Romans and against the other barbarians. Belisarius was pleased with the proposal and ordered him to attend to the matter quickly. 26.20. So Valerianus, selecting one of the Sclaveni who was well off in greatness of body and exceedingly energetic, instructed him to bring an enemy man, affirming that great rewards would be his from Belisarius. 26.21. And he said he would do this easily in the place where the herbage happens to be; for the Goths for a long time, in want of necessities, were feeding there. 26.22. So the Sclavenian, coming at deep dawn close to the wall, hiding himself in a certain bush and drawing his body into a small space, lay concealed about the herbage. 26.23. And at daybreak a Goth came there and quickly began gathering the plants, suspecting nothing unpleasant from the bush, but looking frequently toward the camp of the enemy, lest anyone should come from there against him. 26.24. And the Sclavenian, falling upon him suddenly from behind, snatched him up, gripping the man firmly with both hands around the middle, and carried him into the camp, and bringing him put him into the hands of Valerianus. 26.25. And when he inquired in whom the Goths were trusting and what stronghold they had that they were by no means willing to come over to them, but willingly held out against the most terrible things, the barbarian told the whole story about Burcentius and convicted him to his face when he came into his sight. 26.26. And Burcentius, when he perceived that he had already become known, hid nothing of what had been done. Wherefore Belisarius gave him over to his comrades to deal with as they wished, and they not long afterward burnt him alive, the enemy watching what was being done. Thus Burcentius reaped the fruit of his love of money.

27.1. And Belisarius, seeing that the barbarians were holding out against the hardship none the less, purposed to set the plot against the water, thinking that in this way he would take the enemy more easily and with less trouble. 27.2. And, since there was a certain spring of Auximus toward the north wind in a precipitous place, distant about a stone's throw from the wall, which let its stream little by little into a certain cistern there from of old, and the cistern, having become full from this small inflow, allowed those in Auximus to draw water with no toil—a thought came to Belisarius that, if the water did not collect there, the barbarians, being shot at by the enemy, would never be able in a long time to fill their jars from the inflow. 27.3. Wishing, then, to destroy the cistern, he devised the following. Arming the whole army, and drawing it up in a circle about the wall as if for battle, he gave his opponents the impression that he was about immediately to assault the wall from all sides. 27.4. Wherefore the Goths, dreading the assault, remained quiet on the battlements, intending to defend themselves from there against the enemy. 27.5. In the meantime Belisarius brought into the cistern five Isaurians experienced in building, with axes and other tools suited for the cutting of stones, hidden by a multitude of shields, and ordered them to destroy and break up the walls with all their might quickly. 27.6. And the barbarians for a while suspected that the men were going against the wall, and kept quiet, in order that, when they should come very close, they might shoot them easily, having no thought of what was being done; but when they saw the Isaurians inside the cistern, they hurled all their stones and arrows at them. 27.7. Then all the rest of the Romans withdrew at a run, but the five Isaurians alone, when they had got into safety, set to work; for a vault had been made over the water for the sake of shade by the men of old there. 27.8. And getting inside this, they took no heed of the enemy, although they shot many missiles. 27.9. Wherefore the Goths no longer endured to remain inside the wall, but opening the postern there, all went against the Isaurians, gripped by much anger and tumult. 27.10. And the Romans, Belisarius urging them on, met them with much eagerness. So a fierce battle took place, having for a long time a shoving and much slaughter on both sides. 27.11. But of the Romans more in number fell. For the barbarians, defending themselves from above, few though they were, overpowered many, and prevailing in the shoving, killed more than they themselves died. 27.12. The Romans, however, were by no means willing to give in, ashamed before Belisarius who was present and urging them on with shouting. 27.13. Then indeed a missile came at the belly of the general with a great rush, from one of the enemy, whether by some chance or by design shot at that point. 27.14. This Belisarius did not at all see. For he was able neither to guard against it nor to turn aside in any way. But a certain guard, Unigastus by name, standing by him, perceived it not far from the belly of Belisarius, and throwing forward his right hand, saved the general from the unexpected, but himself, struck by the arrow, immediately, being in great pain, withdrew. 27.15. And afterward, the tendons being cut, he was no longer able to use the hand. And the battle, having begun in the morning, came to midday. 27.16. And seven Armenian men, ranged under Narses and Aratius, displayed deeds worthy of valour, running about the difficult ground, which was most steep, as if on the level, and killing those of the enemy who always withstood them, until, thrusting back the barbarians there, they routed them. 27.17. And the rest of the Romans, seeing the enemy now giving in, pursued them, and the rout became brilliant, and the barbarians got inside the wall again. 27.18. So the Romans thought that the cistern had been destroyed and that the whole work had been accomplished by the Isaurians, but they had not been able to take away even so much as a pebble from there. 27.19. For the ancient craftsmen, taking the greatest care for valour in their works, had so wrought this structure too that it yielded neither to time nor to the plotting of men. 27.20. So the Isaurians, having accomplished nothing, when they saw the Romans masters of the place, departing from the cistern, withdrew to the camp. 27.21. Wherefore Belisarius ordered the soldiers to throw into the water the dead bodies of animals and herbs of a kind naturally sufficient for the destruction of man, and to throw in there and slake quicklime burnt most thoroughly (which they anciently were accustomed to call titanos, but now asbestos). 27.22. And they did so, but the barbarians during this time used a well inside the wall which had a very small amount of water, in less measure than their need. 27.23. And for the rest Belisarius was eager neither to take the place by force nor to display any plot concerning water or anything else, having the hope of prevailing over the enemy by famine alone. 27.24. And from this he most strongly attended to the guard. And the Goths, still waiting for the army from Ravenna, kept quiet in much want of the necessities. 27.25. And now the besieged in Fisula were most hard pressed by famine, and being unable to bear the evil, and despairing also of the hope from Ravenna, resolved to come over to their opponents. 27.26. So coming to a parley with Cyprianus and Justinus, and taking pledges concerning their lives, they surrendered both themselves and the fort by agreement. And Cyprianus and his men, taking them along with the Roman army, and establishing a sufficient garrison in Fisula, came to Auximus. 27.27. And Belisarius, constantly showing their commanders to the barbarians in Auximus, exhorted them to let go of their madness, shaking off the hope from Ravenna; for there would never be any profit for them either, but, after being most grievously worn down by hardship, they would none the less come to the same fortune as those in Fisula. 27.28. And they, after much deliberation among themselves, since they could no longer hold out against the famine, admitted his words and saw fit to surrender the city, on condition that they themselves should march to Ravenna unharmed with their goods. 27.29. Wherefore Belisarius was at a loss before the present situation, thinking it inexpedient that enemies of such valour and such numbers should mingle with those in Ravenna, but being by no means willing to be too late for the opportunity, and to go against Ravenna and Wittigis while affairs were still in suspense. 27.30. For the Franks disturbed him, being very likely to come immediately to the help of the Goths. Being eager to forestall their coming, he was unable to break off the siege while Auximus was not yet taken. 27.31. And the soldiers would not allow him to concede their goods to the barbarians, displaying the many wounds which they had received there from them, and enumerating all the toils that had befallen them in this siege, of which, they affirmed, the spoils of the conquered were the prizes. 27.32. At last both the Romans, compelled by the sharpness of the opportunity, and the Goths, forced by famine, came to an agreement with one another, on condition that the Romans should distribute half of the goods among themselves, and the Goths, keeping the remainder, should be subjects of the emperor. 27.33. Both, then, gave pledges concerning these things—the commanders of the Romans that the agreements should be binding, and the Goths that they would hide nothing whatever of the goods. 27.34. And thus they distributed all the goods, and the Romans held Auximus, and the barbarians mingled with the emperor's army.

28.1. And when Belisarius had taken Auximus, he was eager to besiege Ravenna and led the whole army there. And sending Magnus with a large multitude beyond Ravenna, he ordered him always to go about the bank of the river Padus and keep guard, in order that for the future the Goths might not bring in provisions from there. 28.2. And Vitalius too, coming to him with an army from Dalmatia, guarded the other bank of the river. There befell them a certain chance, making manifest at once that fortune herself directs the affairs of both sides. 28.3. For the Goths, having before collected many boats in Liguria, had let them down into the Padus, intending, after filling them with grain and the other provisions, to sail to Ravenna. 28.4. But the water of this river at that time so failed that it was altogether impossible to sail upon it, until the Romans, coming up, took the boats with all their cargoes. 28.5. And the river not long afterward, returning to its proper flow, became navigable again for the rest of the time. And we know by report that this never happened to it before. 28.6. And now the barbarians began to be in want of provisions. For they could neither bring anything in through the Ionian Gulf, the enemy holding mastery of the sea everywhere, and they had been shut off from the river. 28.7. And the rulers of the Franks, perceiving what was being done, and wishing to make Italy their own, sent envoys to Wittigis, offering a promise of alliance, 28.8. on condition that they should rule the land together with him. When Belisarius heard this, he too sent envoys to oppose the Germans, among others Theodosius, who was set over his own household. 28.9. So first the envoys of the Germans, coming into the sight of Wittigis, spoke as follows: “The rulers of the Germans have sent us, being distressed because they have heard that you are being besieged by Belisarius, and being eager to help you as quickly as possible according to the alliance. 28.10. Now we think that an army of fighting men no fewer than fifty thousand has already crossed the Alps, with whom we boast that we shall overwhelm the whole Roman army with our axes in the first charge. 28.11. And you it behoves to follow in purpose not those who would enslave you, but those who set themselves to the danger of war out of goodwill toward the Goths. 28.12. And besides, if you take up arms with us, no hope will be left to the Romans of coming to close quarters with both armies, but from the very outset, with no toil, we shall bind on the mastery of the war. 28.13. But if the Goths array themselves with the Romans, not even so will they hold out against the nation of the Franks (for the contest will not be of equal forces), but it will be your lot to be defeated along with the bitterest enemies of all. 28.14. And to go to manifest evil, when it is possible to be saved free from danger, is much folly. And altogether the race of the Romans is faithless to all barbarians, since it is by nature hostile. 28.15. We, then, will rule the whole of Italy together with you, if you wish, and will administer the land in whatever way may seem best. But it is fitting for you and the Goths to choose whatever is going to be advantageous to you.” The Franks said so much. 28.16. And the envoys of Belisarius, coming forward, spoke as follows: “That the multitude of Germans, with which these men see fit to frighten you, will do no harm to the emperor's army, why should one speak at length among you, to whom, through long experience, it has befallen to know thoroughly every turn of war, and that valour is least wont to be inferior to a throng of men? 28.17. For we forbear to say that to the emperor above all it is possible to prevail over the enemy by a multitude of soldiers. And the good faith of these men, which they boast they use toward all barbarians, except indeed the Thuringians and the nation of the Burgundians, has been displayed by them toward you their allies. 28.18. For we would gladly ask the Franks by what god they intend to swear that they affirm they will give the assurance of good faith to you. 28.19. For the god already sworn by them, in what manner they have honoured him, you doubtless know; they who, having received such great sums of money, and all the Gauls, from you for alliance, not only by no means resolved to share the danger with you, but also took up arms so wantonly against you, if any account survives among you of what happened by the Padus. 28.20. And what need is there, by mentioning what is past, to convict the impiety of the Franks? Nothing could be more abominable than their present embassy. 28.21. For, as if having forgotten what they themselves agreed and swore by the treaties, they see fit to share everything in common with you. 28.22. And if they should obtain this too from you, to what end the insatiableness of their love of money will come for them, it is fitting to consider.” 28.23. So much the envoys of Belisarius also said. And Wittigis, after much consultation with the best of the Goths, chose the agreements with the emperor and dismissed the envoys of the Germans without accomplishing anything. And for the rest the Goths and Romans now treated with one another, but Belisarius none the less kept watch that the barbarians might not bring in provisions. 28.24. And he ordered Vitalius, going into Venetia, to bring in as much as possible of the places there, while he himself, sending Ildiger, guarded the Padus on both sides, in order that the barbarians might the more, through want of necessities, give in and make the agreements in the way he wished. 28.25. And when he learned that much grain was still stored in public buildings inside Ravenna, he persuaded with money one of the inhabitants there to set fire secretly to these buildings together with the grain. 28.26. And they say that these things were destroyed by the resolve of Matasuntha, the wife of Wittigis. And when the grain had been suddenly burnt, some suspected that the deed had been done by design, while others suspected that the place had been struck by lightning. 28.27. And reckoning both, the Goths and Wittigis fell into helplessness still more, no longer able to trust even themselves and thinking that they were being warred upon by God. These things, then, were thus done. 28.28. In the Alps which separate the Gauls and the Ligurians, which the Romans call the Cottian Alps, there happen to be many forts. 28.29. There Goths, many and excellent, settled from of old together with their wives and children, held the guard, whom, when Belisarius heard that they wished to come over to him, he sent one of his followers, Thomas by name, with some few men, in order that, giving pledges, they might win over the barbarians there by agreement. 28.30. And when they had come to the Alps, Sisigis, who commanded the watch-stations there, receiving them in one of the forts, both came over himself and induced each of the others to this. 28.31. In the meantime Uraïas, selecting four thousand from the Ligurians and from the forts in the Alps, went quickly to Ravenna to help. 28.32. And these, when they learned what Sisigis had done, fearing for their own families, 28.33. saw fit to go there first. Wherefore Uraïas went with the whole army to the Cottian Alps and besieged Sisigis together with Thomas and his men. And when John, the nephew of Vitalian, and Martinus learned this (for they happened to be very close to the river Padus), they quickly came to the aid with the whole army, and falling by a sudden raid upon some of the forts in the Alps, took them, and enslaved those who dwelt there, among whom it befell that there were many children and wives of those serving under Uraïas. 28.34. For very many of them, setting out from these forts, followed him. 28.35. And these, when they learned that their own families had been taken, deserting the camp of the Goths suddenly, resolved to come over to John and his men, and from this Uraïas was able neither to accomplish anything there nor to help the Goths in danger in Ravenna, but coming with a few men to Liguria without accomplishing anything, remained quiet. And Belisarius at his ease shut up Wittigis and the notable Goths in Ravenna.

29.1. And then envoys came from the emperor, Domnicus and Maximinus, both of senatorial rank, in order to make peace on the following terms: 29.2. that Wittigis should carry off half of the royal wealth, and should rule the land which is beyond the river Padus; and that half of the goods should be the emperor's, and that he should make subject in the payment of tribute all that is within the river Padus. 29.3. And the envoys, showing the emperor's letters to Belisarius, were conveyed to Ravenna. And when the Goths and Wittigis had learned for what they had come, they gladly agreed to make the treaty on these terms. 29.4. When Belisarius heard this, he was distressed, regarding it as a great misfortune if anyone should not allow him, when it was possible with no toil, both to win the mastery of the whole war and to lead Wittigis a captive to Byzantium. 29.5. And when the envoys came to him from Ravenna, he was by no means willing to confirm the agreements with letters of his own. 29.6. The Goths, perceiving this, suspected that the Romans were offering them peace with treacherous intent, and used great suspicion toward them, and now declared openly that without the letters and oaths of Belisarius they would never make a treaty with them. 29.7. And Belisarius, hearing that some of the commanders reviled him as plotting against the emperor's affairs and being by no means willing to bring the war to an end, called all together, in the presence of Domnicus and Maximinus, and spoke as follows: 29.8. “That the fortune of war stands least of all in safety, I myself know, and I think that each of you knows the same as I about it. 29.9. For the hope of victory, when it is most expected to come to them, has tripped up many, and to those who seemed to have been unfortunate among their enemies it has befallen, contrary to expectation, to survive. 29.10. Wherefore I say that those who deliberate about peace ought not to put forward the good hope alone, but to keep in mind that the issue will be on either side, and thus to make the choice of their resolve. 29.11. These things being so, it seemed best to me to bring in you my fellow-commanders and these envoys of the emperor, in order that, choosing freely at the present time whatever may seem advantageous to the emperor, you may never afterward make any reproach against me concerning these affairs. 29.12. For it would be most absurd to keep silent while it is possible to choose the better course, but, when looking to the issue of fortune, to make accusations. 29.13. What, then, has been resolved by the emperor and is desired by Wittigis for the ending of the war, you doubtless know. 29.14. But if these things seem advantageous to you too, let each one come forward and say so. If, however, you think you are able to recover the whole of Italy for the Romans and to gain the mastery over the enemy, nothing will hinder you from saying it, holding back nothing.” When Belisarius had said this, 29.15. all openly declared that the emperor's plans were best, and that they would not be able to do the enemy any further harm. 29.16. And Belisarius, pleased with the opinion of the commanders, saw fit that they should make it plain in writing, in order that they might never deny it. And they, writing it in a little book, made plain that they were not able to prevail in the war over their opponents. 29.17. These things were happening in the Roman camp. But the Goths, hard pressed by famine and no longer able to hold out against the hardship, were distressed with the rule of Wittigis, as having been most unfortunate, but shrank from coming over to the emperor, fearing nothing else than lest, having become slaves of the emperor, they should be compelled to remove from Italy and, going to Byzantium, to settle there. 29.18. Deliberating, then, among themselves, whatever was uncorrupt among the Goths, they resolved to proclaim Belisarius emperor of the West. And sending to him secretly, they begged him to set himself in the kingship; for in this way they affirmed they would gladly follow him. 29.19. But Belisarius was by no means willing to set himself in power without the will of the emperor; 29.20. for he was prodigiously distressed at the name of tyrant, and had previously been bound by the most dreadful oaths to the emperor that he would never, while he lived, attempt a revolution. But in order that he might manage the present situation as well as possible, he resolved gladly to admit the words of the barbarians. 29.21. Perceiving this, Wittigis was afraid, and saying that the Goths had deliberated most excellently, he himself too secretly advised Belisarius to go into the kingship; 29.22. for no one would stand in his way. And then Belisarius again, calling together both the envoys of the emperor and all the commanders, asked whether it seemed to them worthy of much account to make all the Goths together with Wittigis captives, and to plunder all the goods, 29.23. and to recover the whole of Italy for the Romans. And they said this would be a lofty and prodigious piece of good fortune for the Romans, and saw fit for him to do whatever he was able as quickly as possible. 29.24. So immediately Belisarius sent some of his friends to Wittigis and the notable Goths, ordering them to fulfil what they had promised. 29.25. For the famine did not allow them to put off the matter to any other time, but, pressing still harder, urged them to this. 29.26. Wherefore they sent envoys to the Roman camp again, to say one thing to the multitude, but secretly to receive pledges from Belisarius that he would do harm to none of them, and that he himself for the future would be emperor over both the Italians and the Goths, and that thus he would come with them and the Roman army to Ravenna. 29.27. And Belisarius swore to all the other things, just as the envoys saw fit, but said that he would swear concerning the kingship to Wittigis himself and to the commanders of the Goths. 29.28. And the envoys, thinking that he would never reject the kingship but desired it above all things, ordered him immediately to go to Ravenna with them. 29.29. And then Belisarius ordered Bessas and John and Narses and Aratius (for these he suspected to be most ill-disposed to him) to go off, each in a different direction, with their followers, to provide themselves with the necessities; for he said it was no longer possible for him to bring provisions into this place for the whole army. 29.30. And they did so, together with Athanasius the prefect of the praetorian guards, who had just come from Byzantium; while he himself with the rest of the army went with the envoys of the Goths to Ravenna. 29.31. And filling a fleet of ships with grain and the other provisions, he ordered them to sail quickly into the harbour of Classes; for so the Romans call the suburb of Ravenna where the harbour is. 29.32. And to me at that time, as I observed the entrance of the Roman army into Ravenna, a thought came that affairs are accomplished by no means through the wisdom of men or any other excellence, but that there is a certain divine power which always turns their minds and leads them there, where there will be no hindrance to the things being accomplished. 29.33. For the Goths, far surpassing their opponents in numbers and power, and neither settled by battle, since they were in Ravenna, nor enslaved in spirit by anything else whatever, became captives of those inferior to them and held the name of slavery in no insult at all. 29.34. And the women (for they happened to have heard from their husbands that the enemy were great in body and superior in number), when they saw all of them sitting at the gate, spat in the faces of their husbands, all of them, and pointing with their hands at the victors, reproached them for their cowardice. 29.35. And Belisarius kept Wittigis in custody, not without honour, but ordered those of the barbarians who dwelt within the river Padus, who were going to their own fields, 29.36. to attend to them at their will. For he suspected that no enemy would arise there, nor would the Goths ever combine there, since he had previously established many of the Roman army in those regions. And they went off quickly and gladly. 29.37. And thus the Romans were now in safety; for they were no longer worsted by the Goths in Ravenna in numbers. And after this he took the goods in the Palatium, which he was to convey to the emperor. 29.38. For he himself plundered none of the Goths, nor permitted anyone else to plunder, but each of them preserved his property according to the agreements. 29.39. And when those of the barbarians who held the guard in the strongest of the places heard that Ravenna and Wittigis were held by the Romans, they sent envoys to Belisarius, seeing fit to surrender both themselves by agreement and what they guarded. 29.40. And he, providing pledges to all most readily, won over Tarbesion and any other fortification there was in Venetia. For Caesena alone in Aemilia was left, which he had previously won over together with Ravenna. 29.41. And all the Goths who commanded these places, as soon as they received pledges, came to Belisarius and remained there; but Ildibadus, a man of repute, who commanded the garrison in Verona, sent envoys indeed to Belisarius on the same terms as the others, since Belisarius had found and held his children in Ravenna, yet he neither came to Ravenna nor became subject to Belisarius. For a certain fortune befell him which I shall presently make plain.

30.1. Some of the commanders of the Roman army, having envy toward Belisarius, slandered him to the emperor, bringing against him a charge of tyranny that in no way belonged to him. 30.2. But the emperor, not so much persuaded by these slanders, but because the Median war was now pressing upon him, summoned Belisarius as quickly as possible, in order that he might march against the Persians; and he ordered Bessas and John with the others to take care of Italy, and instructed Constantianus to go from Dalmatia to Ravenna. 30.3. And the Goths who were settled beyond the river Padus and Ravenna, hearing that the emperor was summoning Belisarius, at first regarded the matter as unreasonable, supposing that Belisarius would never set the kingship of Italy below his loyalty to Justinian. 30.4. But when they learned that the preparation for his departure was great, taking counsel together, whatever was still uncorrupt among them, they went to Ticinum to Uraïas the nephew of Wittigis, and after first weeping much with him, spoke as follows: 30.5. “No other has been more responsible for the present evils to the nation of the Goths than you. For we should long ago have removed your uncle, who led us so basely and unfortunately, from his rule, as we did Theudatus the nephew of Theoderic, had we not, out of respect for your seeming energy, resolved to concede to Wittigis the name of the kingship, but in deed to hand over to you alone the rule of the Goths. 30.6. But the goodwill that then seemed ours has turned about, now appearing as folly and the cause of these our misfortunes. 30.7. For of the Goths, as you know, O dear Uraïas, it befalls that most and the best have died in the war, and of the survivors, whatever best is left, Belisarius will go off taking, together with Wittigis and all the goods. 30.8. And that this same thing will befall us too a little later, being few and exceedingly pitiable, no one would gainsay. 30.9. With such terrors, then, standing about us, it will be more profitable to die with good repute than to behold our children and wives being led off by the enemy to the ends of the earth. 30.10. And we shall do something, as is likely, worthy of valour, if we have you as leader of our deeds.” The Goths said so much. 30.11. And Uraïas answered as follows: “That in the present terrors we ought to choose danger before slavery, it befalls me to think the same as you. 30.12. But for me to set myself in the kingship of the Goths I think altogether inexpedient; first, because, being the nephew of Wittigis, a man so unfortunate, I should seem contemptible to the enemy, since men think that like fortunes are always passed on to kinsmen; 30.13. and second, I should seem to be doing what is unholy, mounting to the rule of my uncle, and on this account I should, as is likely, have most of you distressed at me. 30.14. But I say that we ought to set Ildibadus into this danger as ruler of the Goths, a man who has come to the height of valour and is exceedingly energetic. 30.15. And it is not unlikely that Theudis, who is his uncle and the ruler of the Visigoths, will join in the war because of the kinship. Wherefore we shall carry on the contest against our opponents with better hope.” 30.16. Having said so much, Uraïas too seemed to all the Goths to be speaking what was advantageous. And Ildibadus came to them immediately, summoned from Verona. 30.17. And throwing the purple about him, they proclaimed him king of the Goths and begged him to set their present affairs well in order. Thus Ildibadus came into power. 30.18. And a little later, calling together all the Goths, he spoke as follows: “I know that all of you, fellow-soldiers, are experienced in many wars, so that we shall never with reason go straight to making war. For experience, bringing reckoning, is least wont to be bold. 30.19. And it is worth while for you, remembering all that has happened before, thus now to deliberate about the present. 30.20. For forgetfulness, coming upon many men of what has already gone before, has lifted up their thoughts not as it ought, through ignorance, 30.21. and has sufficiently tripped them up in the greatest matters. Wittigis, then, not against your will nor while you resisted, gave himself into the hands of the enemy, but having then given up before the oppositions of fortune, you thought it most advantageous for yourselves to sit at home and obey Belisarius, rather than to risk your bodies endlessly. 30.22. But now, having heard that he is being sent to Byzantium, you have resolved to undertake a revolution. And yet each of you ought to reckon that not all things turn out for men as they think, but the issue of affairs has often gone contrary to expectation, in the opposite direction to what was resolved. 30.23. For fortune and repentance are wont for the most part to set things right from the unexpected; and that this will happen now too to Belisarius is in no way unlikely. 30.24. It is better, then, first to inquire of him, and to try to set the man back to the agreements made before, and thus for you to proceed to the second course in your actions.” 30.25. When Ildibadus had said this, he seemed to the Goths to have deliberated well, and he sent envoys to Ravenna quickly. And these, coming into the sight of Belisarius, reminded him of the agreements made with them and reviled him as a breaker of what had been agreed, calling him a self-chosen slave, and reproaching him because he did not blush at choosing slavery before kingship, and saying many other such things, exhorted him to the rule. 30.26. For thus, they affirmed, Ildibadus too would come of his own accord, to lay down the purple at his feet and do obeisance to Belisarius as emperor of both Goths and Italians. 30.27. The envoys said these things, thinking that the man would draw to himself the name of kingship without any delay at once. 30.28. But he, contrary to their expectation, openly refused, saying that Belisarius would never, while the emperor Justinian lived, mount to the name of kingship. 30.29. And they, hearing this, departed as quickly as possible and reported the whole matter to Ildibadus. 30.30. And Belisarius went off toward Byzantium; and the winter was ending, and the fifth year of this war which Procopius has written was coming to a close.